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                <text>Five Wyoming Paintings selected for exhibition: Canvasses by Mrs. D. Dolph and Leon Goodrich are included in group, 1936. Leon C. and Jane Goodrich Papers, NCA 01.v.1982.01 WyCaC US. Casper College Archives and Special Collections.</text>
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                  <text>Archivists are happy to assist anyone with accessing the physical or electronic copies of photographs. The Casper College Goodstein Foundation Library is glad to grant uses of this material that it actively manages and cares for and will provide its publication policy upon request.</text>
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                  <text>This is a collection of 86 photographs of U.S. Senator Alan K. Simpson that were created and used by the Casper Star-Tribune. These photographs are part of a larger collection that consists of photographs and negatives created and used by the Casper Star Tribune from 1967 until the middle of 1995 according to a newspaper article on the donation from February of 2000. Images in this collection may support the use of other collections in the repository or vice versa.</text>
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                  <text>Casper Star-Tribune People Photographs, NCA 01.ii.2001.01 WyCaC US. Casper College Archives and Special Collections.</text>
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                  <text>The Casper Star-Tribune gifted 20 years of photographic negatives and prints to Casper College early in the year 2000. These photographs and negatives have been managed by the Casper College Archives and Special Collections housed in its Western History Center.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="https://caspercollege.cvlcollections.org/collections/show/27" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;https://caspercollege.cvlcollections.org/collections/show/27&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The finding aid for these and other items in this collection is available for viewing: &lt;a href="https://caspercollegearchives.libraryhost.com/repositories/2/archival_objects/25384" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;https://caspercollegearchives.libraryhost.com/repositories/2/archival_objects/25384&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/"&gt;http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Archivists are happy to assist anyone with accessing the physical or electronic copies of photographs. The Casper College Goodstein Foundation Library is glad to grant uses of this material that it actively manages and cares for and will provide its publication policy upon request.</text>
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                    <text>FROM TEACHING TO LEARNING:
ARE WE STILL EDUCATING STUDENTS?
by Chad M. Hanson,
Northcentral Technical College, IVisconsin
hanson@northcentral. tec. wi. us

by Terry O’Banion. Both describe what is
wrong with higher education today, and
both suggest a move from teaching to
Editor's note: Here's a piece that takes a por­
learning as the solution to our ills.
tion other than thepapular one 'with respect to
According to Barr and Tagg, the prob­
the current interest in andfocus on learning. If
lem lies with the assumptions we make
it makes you think andyou'd like to respond, be
about the purpose and structure of higher
welcome to share your ruminations with us!
education. They argue that our “dominant
paradigm mistakes a means for an end ...
n current efforts at reform in higher
it takes the means or method — called
education, I have noticed a recurring
‘instruction’ or ‘teaching’ — and makes it
message that may slight our efforts to the college’s end or purpose.” The question
improve. I would like to suggest that the
I would like to raise is an empirical one.
current “learning revolution” and the dis­
Which institutions conceive teaching as an
cussion that surrounds the move from
end in and of itself? I have studied and vis­
teaching to learning may be based on both
ited two- and four-year schools all over the
questionable assumptions about the goals
country in the last several years, and each
of higher education and a limited under­
one treats the production of educated stu­
standing of the classroom experience.
dents as a primary goal and teaching as a
My interest in this topic peaked after I
means, often a partial one, to those ends. I
noticed that in the discussion about the
am not convinced that a large number of
learning revolution, the word education and
colleges or universities promote or have
all that it means is rarely, if ever, included.
promoted teaching for its own sake.
Consider two notable examples of such
A second consideration has to do with
work, both widely referenced by learning
the nature and purpose of education as it
advocates: a 1995 Change article by Robert
happens in classrooms. In contrast to Barr
Barr and John Tagg entitled “From
and Tagg, who question the epistemologi­
Teaching to Learning: A New Paradigm
cal foundations of higher education,
for Undergraduate Education," and a 1995
O’Banion points out weaknesses of educat­
report, “School is Out — Learning is In”
ing students on campuses and in class­
rooms. He explains that in the classroom,
our work is time-bound, place-bound, and
teacher-bound, and that learning is not
bound by any of these conditions. Thus,
the question is “why should our institutions
be?” On one level that question is a fair
one. It is true that learning happens every­
where, all the time, and certainly without
the presence of professional educators.
However, education is more than just
learning, and it is certainly more than just
teaching. The dictionary defines education
as a complex social institution where stu­

I

dents are involved in “acquiring general
knowledge, developing the powers of rea­
soning and judgment, and preparing one’s
self or others intellectually for mature life.”
One of my favorite illustrations of this
definition in action comes from the
award-winning film The Paper Chase. In
one of the opening scenes from the film,
the renowned Professor Kingsfield
explains to a large group of students that
in his class, “you teach yourselves the law,
but I train your mind.” He goes on to
prod students with the suggestion that
“you come in here with a skull full of
mush and you leave thinking like a
lawyer.” What Professor Kingsfield is
talking about is socialization. What I
notice each time I watch the film is that
by confronting students this way, he
demonstrates that a college education is
largely a process of professional socializa­
tion. Through the process, students come
to know a detailed set of norms, roles,
and values. Whether or not those appear
on our syllabi, we teach and students
learn a set of social expectations: how to
think, talk, and act like educated people.
My hunch is that many faculty will
struggle with the idea that they have a
responsibility to socialize students.
However, I am personally ready to
accept that I have a strong role in shap­
ing my students’ understanding of what
it means to be a professional and a bet­
ter member of society. What concerns
me about the learning revolution is that
in both language and practice we do not
acknowledge that teaching and learning
are but two equivalent parts of the giant,
complex, chaotic, and wonderful social
process called education. Ultimately,
that is what we are responsible for —
our students’ education. #

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                    <text>The National Teaching &amp; Leamin

fcMi
Number 6

Volume 9

CONTENTS
• Silence and Structure in the
Classroom, Chad M. Hanson,
Northcentral Tech, p. 1. “Post-It”
notes don’t sound so hokey when
you think of them as votes.
• CARNEGIE CHRONICLE:
Must Faculty Teach in Ways
That Make Them Easily
Dispensable? Craig Nelson,
Indiana University, p. 4. Marcia
Baxter Magolda’s new book
synthesizes a lot of important
modern thinking on pedagogy.
Can the ideal be realized in the
classroom? At a distance?
• TECHPED: The Intelligent
Management of E-mail, Tom
Rocklin, University of Iowa, p. 6.
There’s too much of it. It’s ruling
our lives, but it’s also helping us
teach as we never could before.
• LEARNING DIARY: A Face, A
Voice, James Rhem, Editor,
p. 7. “E-mail’s dark side
considered” or “An absence is
always felt, and feeling affects
learning.”
• ERIC TRACKS: Enacting
Diverse Learning
Environments, p. 9. What the
latest research shows about how
diversity works in the classroom.
• AD REM ...: Questions?
Line. Fisch. Lexington, Kentucky,
p. 12. Maybe asking for questions
when they’re halfway out the
door isn’t such a good idea.
• EDITOR’S NOTE, p. 3.

2000

Silence and Structur^ in the
Classroom
From Seminar to Town Meeting via ‘Post-it’s
Chad M. Hanson, Ph.D.
Northcentral Tech
Wausau, Wl

ike most, I started out teach­
ing the way I was taught. My
first inclination as a faculty
member was to reproduce the
format of the graduate course. I
wanted my students to share the
same feeling of excitement I had
known as a student. I wanted
their minds to sharpen and their
pulses to quicken just as mine
had in those vital forums.
Sociology is my subject so it’s
probably no surprise that I
started teaching by selecting a
textbook and several readings
from within the field. Mindful of
my students’ level of preparation,
1 chose well-respected articles
written for a general audience,
and I assigned only four of them
in my Introduction to Sociology
classes. I explained to students
early on in the semester that the
articles would serve as a basis for
in-class discussions.
When the first discussion dale
rolled around I walked into class
with genuine enthusiasm. I
welcomed the students, reminded
them about the discussion, then I
followed in the footsteps of one
of my fondest mentors by issuing
a familiar challenge. “OK." I said,
“who would like to begin?" No

L

one )egan. There were no hands in
the : iir. I did not hear the cacopl Iony of voices I had come to
kno\ ■ so well in graduate school—
ever one anxious to support or
refu 1e the claims of the author now
up f )r discussion. Instead there was
siler ce. This wasn’t graduate
school. Twenty-nine pairs of eyes
poinited in my direction. So I
begrn.
I ontinued, and eventually I
finis ted the discussion myself,
Mea iwhile, students wrote in their
tab!' ts. They took what looked like
deta led notes while 1 talked, and
that was gratifying, but not part of
my ] Ian. Unfortunately. I repeated
rouj hly the same series of events
foul more times the same week. By
Frid iv afternoon, 1 had decided the
app oach that worked so well for
my ] irofessors was not going to
work for me.

Th&lt;&gt; Pendulum Swings;
Structured Cooperative
Learning Activities
T le first step in any process of
red&lt; Impiion involves admitting you
hav&lt; a problem, which, obviously, I
did. I needed help and I sought it
out. The first place I found guidanci: was the literature on coopera­
tive learning. Years before, I ran
acre ss a copy of Ken Bruffee’s
CoUiborative learning (1993). I
revi ited Bruffee first, because I
remembered that he outlines a

�theoretical foundation for col­
laboration in the college class­
room. For anyone experimenting
with discussion leading or the
grouping of students for educa­
tional purposes. 1 recommend
Bruffce’s work.
For the nuts and bolts of getting
students involved in conversation,
I relied on the work of David and
Roger Johnson, namely Active
Learning (Johnson, Johnson, and
Smith, 1991). Over the last several
years I have had a great deal of
success using the proce­
dures described by these
authors. Success with
the cooperative
learning approach
described by Johnson
and Johnson hinges
on having a clear set
of guidelines for
students. In the
Johnsons' model,
each student must
have a clearly defined
role in the class. The
instructor’s job is to
ensure that the students’ roles
and the objectives of the class are
both well defined. 1 have found
that when 1 take that initiative, the
procedures outlined in Active
Learning provide a formal struc­
ture for ensuring that students
slay engaged with course material,
and with one another, during the
class periods I set aside for coop­
erative work.
Although 1 quickly became
comfortable with the Active
Learning techniques, 1 found that 1
still had a longing to create the
excitement and spontaneity of the
unstructured and free-ranging
discussions that took place in my
graduate courses. At die same
time, I also began to feel a respon­
sibility to create an environment
where students could interact with
one another in an exchange that
would mirror that of a discussion
held outside of the classroom in
places where our democratic
traditions are strongest (Beckman,
1990). I had in mind the New
England town meeting as an ideal
(Bellah, et al., 1985). Conse­

quently, 1 set out to create a
forum where I did not personally
determine the nature of each
student’s contribution to in-class
discussions. I did not want to
prohibit the discussions from
unfolding on their own, as they
would in a town meeting or
similarly democratic forum.
As 1 began to conceive the new
format for my in-class discussions,
1 realized that citizens who attend
town meetings are a self-selected
group. The attendees are there
because they have some­
thing to say. My students
are also a self-selected
group, but the primary
reason for selecting one
of my courses is that it
fulfills a require­
ment for the
degrees that they
seek. Given the lack
of inherent motiva­
tion, 1 needed a
strategy that would
ensure everyone’s
participation. The
solution to my problem was as
near as the pad of Post-it notes
lying next to my office telephone.

FHE NATIONAL TEACHING
&amp; LEARNING FORUM
Exec itive Editor:
Jame iRhem, Ph.D.
213 Potter SL
Madit on. Wl 53715-2050
EdKo lai Advisory Board

Jonat lan Fife, Director Emeritus
ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher Education
Judy areene. Director
Cenu r for Teaching Effectiveness
Univc srty of Delaware
Pal H jtchings. Senior Scholar
The C amegie Foundation
for th AdvarKement of Teaching
Susa I Kahn
Direc or. Urban Universities Portfolio Project
Indiai ia University-Purdue University
Indiai apolis
Wilbe t McKeachie
Profe sor of Psychology. Emeritus
Unive sity of Michigan
Edwa d Neal, Director
CenK r for Teaching and Learning
Unive sity of North Carolina - Chapel Hill
Laura Rendbn
Profe :sor of Education
Arizo a State University
Phylli. Steckler. President
The C ryx Press
Marill i Svinicki
Direc or. Center tor Teaching Effectiveness
Unrve -sity of Texas at Austin
Edlto iai correspondence:

Finding the Middle
Ground: Required
Participation

Jame; Rhem
213 Potter St.
Madit on, Wl 53715-2050

Today, I use a particular formal
to create an environment in the
classroom that approximates a
town hall meeting. The first step I
take is to allow the students to
decide the topics to be discussed. 1
begin by having students brain­
storm a list of potential topics in
small groups. After each group
generates its own list, we compile
all the topics on a chalkboard and
hold a vote to determine the top
ten to be discussed.
Once the topics are determined
1 select groups of two to four
students, at random, to lead the
discussions. 1 require discussion
leaders to find al least two articles
on their topic and 1 give them a
list of things to consider when they
analyze the articles, including a set
of guidelines on how to prepare a

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October

�Editor's Note:
We all begin teaching with high ideals and unrealistic expectations. Or
so it’s said. For years, it's been the “unrealistic" part of that truism that
has bothered me. for one person’s “reality" is another’s lowest common
denominator. The fight to raise the denominator—to nudge reality a little
closer to one’s ideals—gets fought in unlikely ways. Chad Hanson’s use
of “Post-if notes offers a prime example. “Post-if notes seem an unlikely
topic for a cover feature in the Forum, but Hanson’s article isn't really
about those little yellow squares. It’s about the fight for a certain kind of
classroom, a certain kind of learning community. I like Hanson’s piece
because you can see him learning about his own ideas, as he struggles
to refine them. He moves from the giddy, romantic memory of graduate
school seminars to an image of a New England town meeting:
Democracy replaces privilege and ends up in the same heady place
where the freedom of ideas breeds new learning. If the “Post-it" notes
seem hokey, the end goal certainly isn’t. And who does not put on his
shoes one at a time before walking even the most noble path?
When I asked Hanson if students ever offered lame comments just to
collect their points, he said no, he hadn’t had that problem. “I give a little
pep talk in the beginning. I tell them ‘this is not the Jerry Springer show,’
and I give them a list of ‘hints’ for the discussions— 'criticize ideas, not
people,’ and things along those lines. It seems to work," he says.
If there’s a theme to this issue of the Forum, perhaps it’s the power of
the personal touch and personal presence. Craig Nelson’s CARNEGIE
CHRONICLE (the second of a six-part series) looks at a synthesis of the
best contemporary thinking about teaching and wonders if it can really be
accomplished via distance education.
Tom Rocklin’s TECHPED column looks at the decorum of e-mail and
its usefulness in teaching more effectively. (There’s a Virtual Companion
at www.ntlf.com with additional information.) And there’s a LEARNING
DIARY, written out of some powerful and painful learning I did this
summer, about myself and the limits of e-mail in carrying on serious,
scholarly conversation. 1 thought e-mail was magic. I see it’s something
just as useful, but less wonderful.
ERIC TRACKS reports on the latest research in creating truly diverse
learning environments, ones that incorporate diversity and diverse
populations in their world view.
And finally, Line. Fisch’s AD REM looks at the old and important
question of “questions," when to ask for them and how to ask for them.
Perhaps as the fall term swings into high gear, it's a good time to
remind readers that they, too, have a vital voice in defining the
conversation about good teaching. As Chad Hanson’s piece
demonstrates in a variety of ways, worthwhile writing about teaching can
take many forms and have homely trappings at times. Not every little
technique or gimmick will make an article for the Forum, but. again, it’s
not Hanson’s technique per se, but the context of thinking in which it
arose that makes his experience one others can learn from. Many
readers have stores of such experience and thinking. Your experience,
your reflections on more effective teaching have a place in the
conversation. Faculty of all kinds have begun to feel the importance of
thinking more concretely about their teaching and writing about it. And
insights from one discipline often have cross-disciplinary implications.
So, even though your workload is large and your lime limited, I urge
subscribers to consider drafting a manuscript for the Forum. You can find
further submission guidelines posted on the Forum’s Web site at
http://www.ntlf.com/html/sd/mssub.htm.
Be well.
— James Rhem
Vol. 9. No. 6 2(M)0

set )f talking points to use during
the town hall meetings.
I lowever, in the town hall
for: nat, the most important step is
to (nsure that all of the students
hav: both the opportunity and the
inc :ntive to participate. In order
to &lt; reate that incentive 1 make
eac 1 discussion worth two points.
To ;arn the points, people have to
tak ; part.
I begin town hall meetings by
givi ng two Post-it notes to every
Stu lent In class. The Post-its are
woi th a point each, so I have them
wri ,e their name on each note.
Aft ;r the discussion leaders are
giv n the floor, all of the students
are free lo raise questions or to
cor imeni. Each time they add to
the discussion, students stick one
of I heir Post-it notes on the front
of heir desk for everyone to see.
On:e a person has participated
twi e and placed both Post-its on
the front of their desk, they can no
Ion jer earn points but they may
stil contribute to the discussion,
I have found that Post-it notes,
visi ole to all, serve two importarrf
rol rs in class. First, for students
wh ) might otherwise dominate
dis :ussions, the notes are visual
rer linders that they have already
said their piece. I have found this
to )e a subtle, but important
reninder in those cases. Second,
th&lt; notes are a less (han subtle
rer tinder to those less likely to
pai ticipate. In this case the notes
ser kC as a reminder that you do
no earn points if you do not
contribute to the discussion. I
res lize that may seem like undue
pr&lt; ssure to place on students who
may not wish to participate.
He wever, during the last three
ser testers I have found that
students who participate quickly
an 1 place their notes out in front
rigti away often go on to create
op tortunities for other students to
an wer questions or to comment.
Or e of the most rewarding
ob» ervations I have made during
lovm hall meetings has been the
ter dency of outspoken members
of :lass to encourage others to add
ih&lt; ir voices to the conversations.

THE NATIONAL TEACHING &amp; LEARNING FORUM 3

�Each semester I watch students
take steps to ensure that everyone
has a chance to contribute.

Conclusion
During the time I've spent using
Post-it notes and town hall meet­
ings, I have fell very close to the
format of the graduate seminar 1
enjoyed so much as a student. The
discussions flow freely, they are full
of excitement and they serve as a
model for democratic participa­
tion. As an unintended conse­
quence, 1 have also been pleased
to find that Post-its have had the
effect of producing an environ­
ment where students consistently
demonstrate that they value each
other’s thoughts. When I use the
notes in class I am guaranteed not
to face the silence that vexed me
as a beginning teacher. At the
same time, they provide a struc­
ture that is subtle enough to allow
the freedom necessary for students
to determine the nature of their
own contribution to class. Today I
can say that the unassuming stack
of Post-its that sits next to my
phone provides the means to create
balance, equity and a model for
democracy in the classroom. |||
References

• Beckman. M. 1990. "Collaborative
Learning: Preparation for the Workplace
and Democracy?" College Teaching3^A,.
128-133.
• Bellah, R,, et al. 1985. Habits of the Heart:
Individualism and Commitment in American
Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
• Bruffee, K. 1993. Collaborative Learning:
Higher Education, Interdependence and the
Authority of Knowledge. Baltimore. MD:
Johns Hopkins University Press.
• Johnson, D.. Johnson, R., and Smith. K.
1991. Active Learning: Cooperation in the
College Classroom. Edina. MN; interaction
Book Company.
Contact:

Chad M. Hanson. Ph.D.
Faculty. Social Sdence Department
Northcentral Tech
1000 W. Campus Drive
Wausau. Wi 54401

Telephone: (715) 675-3331 *4802
E-mail: hanaonOnorthcentral.tec.wl.us

4 THF NJATirVMAI

fl. I fiovixir

CARNEGIE
CHRONICLE

Nelson’s
Notebook

Must Faculty Teach i i Ways That
Make Them Easily Dispensable?
Craig E. Nelson
Indiana University
Many faculty pay little attention
either to the scholarship on
effective pedagogy or to the
literature that asks how our
academic goals might be better
articulated. One direct conse­
quence has been teaching that
remains much less effective than it
could be. Another is our tendency
to attribute our lack of success
more to student inadequacies than
to our pedagogical
deficiencies.
The internet and
ever-cheaper com­
puting have now
made global distance
education practical.
Hence the question:
How many professors
can, or even should, be
replaced with good
distance education
courses? One line of
scholarship has made such
change seem educationally
appropriate. In “Explaining,
Exploring [and] Under­
standing the No Significant
Difference Phenomenon." T. R.
Russell notes, "scholars have been
able to find no significant difference
resulting from the use of or lack of
use of technological means of
delivery” and "no matter how it is
produced, how it is delivered,
whether or not it is interactive, low
tech or high tech, students learn
equally well" (Adult Assessment Forum
Winter 1997:6-9; see also http://
cuda.ieleeducation.nb.ca/
nosignificantdifference for summa­
ries of 355 studies).
If we don’t like Russell's conclu­
sion, we should either document any
important things we are already
doing that distance education is not,
or try to change our pedagogy so
that it is belter than the teaching
technology can easily provide.

iii4

\ Tiai might such a pedagogy look
like»
1 0 help you create your own
ans «'ers to this question, read Marcia
Bax :er Magolda’s new book. Creating
Con texti for Learning and Self-Aulhorshif. ■ Constructive-Developmental
Ped igogy (Nashville: Vanderbilt
University Press, 1999). Even faculty
wh&lt; aren’t particularly concerned
abo at the issues raised by distance
edu ration versus face-to-face
encounters with a
teacher will
profit from
Baxter
// Magolda's
splendid,
synthesiz­
ing over­
view.
In her
opening
chapter Baxter
Magolda creates
a vision of what
higher education
might be. Specifically,
she synthesizes three
rich strands: an emphasis on
the student’s own experience (John
Dev ey and Jean Piaget through
Par er Palmer, Nel Noddings, and
several other feminists), an emphasis
on : elf-authorship or liberaiory
edu ration (Paulo Freire and Ira
She r through Frances Maher and
Mai y Kay Tetreault), and an emphasis ( n intellectual development
(je: n Piaget, William Perry, Patricia
Kin Karen Kitchener, and Robert
Keg an). Her s)’nthesis provides a
brie f introduction to much of the
bes! thought about the goals of
teat hing in higher education.
1 he collective vision is one of a
ped agogy that will promote both
disc plinary mastery and “selfautl lorship.” The sense of selfaut] lorship is broadened to include
intellectual development, the

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A STOP SIGN AT THE INTERSECTION OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY: ILLUSTRATING MILLS’S
IMAGINATION WITH DEPRESSION-ERA PHOTOGRAPHS*
ChadM. Hanson
Casper College

There is disagreement about whether there Stasz adds historical perspective by pointing
is or should be a set of universal goals for out how photographs became a “potential
undergraduate sociology courses (Guppy and source of embarrassment for a young field
Arai 1994; Wagenaar 1991). However, fac­ struggling to prove itself as a ‘rational
ulty tend to agree that one of the primary discipline” (Stasz 1979:134). Despite the
purposes of these courses is to promote the apparent contrast between the goals of art
development of what Mills (1959) called the and science, Becker addresses the perception
sociological imagination (Davis 1993; Olzak of difference between sociology and photog­
1981) . Accordingly, a wide range of meth­ raphy by proposing that “the overlap and
ods have been used to help students build a continuity between the aims of social science
and art are, in the case of photography,
perspective akin to Mills’s “imagination.
particularly
obvious” (1981:9). He suggests
Methods described in the literature on teach­
that
“
the
two
enterprises are confounded in
ing sociology include the use of film
(Prendergrast 1986; Valdez and Halley ways that cannot be unmixed. However
1999), music (Ahlkvist 1999; Martinez uneasy it may make everyone involved”
1994), fiction (Hendershott and Wright (Becker 1981:9).
In this paper, I describe a visual and
1993; Lena and London 1979; Sullivan
1982) , poetry (Miley 1988; Moran 1999), historical technique for introducing students
games (Strauss 1986), and museum field to the sociological imagination. The method
trips (King 1992). Although there are a wide is based on the use of photographs by
range of techniques available to teach Walker Evans, one member of a team of
Mills’s perspective, photography has been photographers commissioned by the U.S.
largely unexplored as a resource (Barthel Farm Securities Administration to make a
record of individual and community life in
1987).
Sociologists’ lack of interest in pho­ the aftermath of the 1929 stock market
tographs stems, at least in part, from the crash. I describe my use of the photographs
tendency to identify photography with art as and offer results from a survey designed to
opposed to science. Barthel notes: “Any measure students’ reactions to the images. In
reluctance to use this valuable resource must the end, I propose that depression-era pho­
be traced...to sociology’s alliance with the tographs provide students with a visual
sciences over the humanities” (1987:21). counterpart to the perspective Mills suggests
in The Sociological Imagination (1959).
♦The author wishes to thank Gregory Ormson,
Jane Galarowitz, Lynn Hanson, and the anony­
mous reviewers for their thoughtful comments
on an earlier version of this paper. Please ad­
dress all correspondence to the author at the
Department of Sociology, Casper College, 125
College Drive, Casper, WY 82601;
e-mail: chanson@acad. cc. whecn. edu
Editor’s note: The reviewers were, in alpha­
betical order, Barbara Carter and Chris Prender­
gast.

PHOTOGRAPHY AS AN
EDUCATIONAL MEDIUM

There is a long-standing, but unstable, rela­
tionship between the fields of sociology and
photography (Becker 1974; Stasz 1979;
Wagner 1979). Stasz points out that if you
“pull a tum-of-the-century volume of the

__ c—V/sl 'if\ 0009 Z'Anrib9T5-242^

235

�American Journal of Sociology off the shelf,
blow off the dust, and open it up, you will
find something virtually unseen in sociology
journals of recent decades—photographs”
(1979:121). In documenting the history of
visual sociology, Stasz focused on the Jour­
nal, and found that “between 1896 and 1916
thirty-one articles used 244 photographs as
illustrations and evidence” (1979:121). To­
day, photographs are as unseen in social
science journals as they were in the late
1970s when Stasz was writing on the sub­
ject; the only difference is that the length of
time since sociologists distanced themselves
from photography has lengthened to more
than half a century.
Of course, photographs are a less than
ideal means for discovering social facts or
documenting broad social patterns; nonethe­
less, when those facts and patterns have
been determined by other methods, pho­
tographs have the favorable quality of bring­
ing those patterns to life in a visual form.
“Photographs scream ‘We are real!’ ‘We
live!’ tugging on sentiments and emotion”
(Stasz 1979:134). Even though it is the
affective and subjective nature of pho­
tographs that makes sociologists unlikely to
use them in other areas of their work, it is
these characteristics that make visual images
an outstanding teaching resource. Not sur­
prisingly, most undergraduate texts are filled
with photographs, although pictures are en­
tirely absent from the professional publica­
tions the texts rely upon. In a sample of 45
introductory textbooks published between
1982 and 1994, Hall found 1,357 pho­
tographs dealing with the subject of poverty
alone (Hall 2000).
At some level, instructors, textbook au­
thors, and publishers all tacitly acknowledge
the ability of photographs to convey ideas.
As Hraba et al. explain: “Facts and fig­
ures...are often necessary, but show only
sociological dimensions separated from the
human drama. That drama needs to be in the
classroom so that the significance of social
forces for peoples’ lives can be better appre­
ciated” (1980:124). Commenting on the spe­
cific advantages that photographs bring to

the teaching of sociology, Wagner further
notes:
Photographs which are used in social science
leaching cut two ways. As visual illustration
they can assist instructors in making a more
powerful presentation of their argument and
textual material. As visual stimulation, on the
other hand, they can turn a passive student
audience into active and critical analysts.
(1979:19)

It is the ability of photographs to serve as a
common point of reference that originally
attracted me to photography as an educa­
tional medium, although as Wagner sug­
gests, photographs also hold the potential for
generating dialogue among students as visual
images are open to a range of interpreta­
tions.
MILLS’S “IMAGINATION” AND
DEPRESSION-ERA PHOTOGRAPHS

In the summer of 2(XX) I decided to make the
economic depression of the 1930s, one of
the great structural transformations of U.S.
history, part of a lower division social prob­
lems course. In this case, I took a cue
directly from Mills, who was quick to point
out that “In the thirties there was little
doubt...there was an economic issue which
was also a pack of personal troubles. The
values threatened were plain to see...the
structural contradictions that threatened
them seemed plain...it was a political age”
(Mills 1959:11-12). In the second week of
my social problems course, students read a
brief overview of Mills’s work and the first
eight pages of The Sociological Imagination
(1959). The objective of this assignment is
for students to develop an understanding of
what Mills termed the “intersection of his­
tory and biography” (Mills 1959:7); my goal
is to help students start seeing the relation­
ship between individual lives and the larger
forces of politics and economics. Given
Mills’s direct reference to the depression of
the 1930s, photographs from the era seemed
like a logical way to help students see, in a
literal sense, how individual biographies are

�ILLUSTRATING MILLS’S IMAGINATION

237

tion’s Web site (U.S. Library of Congress.
tied to the forces of history.
Fortunately, the social and economic con­ Special Collections 2000). Images on the
ditions of the Great Depression are both well sites can be downloaded and a formal repro­
documented. During the 1930s and early duction service is also available. Costs for
1940s, notable photographers like Walker reproductions vary, but there are no copy­
Evans, Dorothea Lange, Ben Shahn, and right fees for U.S.-based educators. The
Russell Lee were all commissioned by the federal government commissioned the work;
U.S. Farm Security Administration to therefore, the images are public property
record the far-reaching effects of the eco­ (see archival sources for additional collec­
nomic downturn. “From 1933 to 1943 pho­ tions of depression-era photographs).
tographers were engaged by the Farm Secu­
PRESENTING PHOTOGRAPHS
rity Administration (FSA) to photograph all
IN CLASS
phases of rural America in an effort to help
fight the depression and to educate the
American public about the problem” 1 began using slides of Evans’s work as part
(Norman 1991: 194). In other words: of a pilot project by presenting them to a
“Evans.. .and others made it their business to single section of a social problems class in
record the poverty and hard times of depres­ the summer of 2000. 1 let my own aesthetic
sion America,” and unlike other purely aes­ sense guide my choice of photographs, but I
thetic projects, their work was “very much also employed the goal of illustrating Mills’s
informed by social science theories” (Becker sociological imagination in selecting images.
In all, I chose 26 photographs out of the 61
1974:4).
Even though the work of the FSA photog­ appearing in Let Us Now Praise Famous
raphers is remarkably consistent with re­ Men (Agee and Evans 1939) to present to
spect to quality. Walker Evans is said to students.
I started by walking the class through the
stand out among noteworthy contemporaries
slides
one by one, offering my interpretation
(Sontag 1973). In The Human Image: Soci­
of
each
photograph. 1 did not assign any
ology and Photography, Horowitz writes:
“To sociologists who take pictures...Evans depression-era readings or historical ac­
must rank on the same level as Max Weber, counts of the period prior to the presenta­
Karl Marx, and Emile Durkheim; and for all tion, assuming students could rely at least in
I know—somewhat higher” (1976:7). My part on the stock of knowledge they brought
use of depression-era photographs began with them to class. During the slide show 1
with a set of images Evans created for the offered a brief history of the 1929 stock
volume Let Us Now Praise Famous Men market crash and its consequences, but I
(Agee and Evans 1939). I made 35nim slides also encouraged students to add to the dis­
of the photographs. In my experience, noth­ cussion with either historical facts or inter­
ing quite matches the clarity and visual pretations of the photographs.
Overall, the slide presentation went
impact of a 35mm slide presentation, though
today it is possible to project digital images smoothly, although I noticed there were a
limited number of students participating in
on a large screen with comparable quality.
A digital collection of Evans’s work and the discussion. On the whole, I felt that
that of several other FSA photographers can students were comfortable enough in class to
be accessed online at the United States speak their minds, but clearly only a small
Library of Congress’ American Memories group of students contributed to the conver­
Web site (U.S. Library of Congress 1998). sation. In addition, the commentary covered
The Library of Congress also hosts a broad a wide range of topics. Some students were
Internet-based collection of depression-era forthcoming with comments, but the discus­
photographs at the Farm Security Adminis- sion drifted in and out of relevance to
tration/Office of War Information Collec­ Mills’s central ideas.

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science, as much a way of seeing as it is a
cumulative body of knowledge (Hughes
1971). Perkins draws a connection between
the processes of thinking and seeing by
suggesting that “The looking we do should
be thought through, and thoughtful looking
is a way to make thinking better” (Perkins
1994:3).
Perkins’ most basic advice for creating an
environment where students can develop a
thoughtful approach to analyzing visual ma­
terial is to allow them adequate time. Even
if it means literally holding up a stop sign in
class, his best suggestion is to allow students
to take the time necessary to honestly inves­
tigate an image. Perkins assumes, and I
agree, that “To think better, people need to
develop general commitments and strategies
toward giving thinking more time” (Perkins
1994:4). For my purpose, giving students
time to think meant improving their thought
processes and interpretations. Equally im­
portant, having time to think also held the
promise of increasing the likelihood that
students would contribute their thoughts to a
discussion.
In the fall of 2000, using Perkins’ work as
a model, I decided to do more than merely
ask students to look passively at the pictures
I presented. We viewed all 26 slides as
before, but this time I chose an image for
students to focus on specifically, and I also
developed a set of questions to guide them
through the process of interpretation. I
wanted students to have both an organized
way to think about the photograph and a
place to record their thoughts. I chose one
image from among those I pre-selected (See
Appendix A), and I created a set of guiding
questions (see Appendix B) based on materi­
als developed as part of Project Engage:
Exploring Intellectual Access Through Per­
sonal Connection, funded by the Leigh
Yawkey Woodson Art Museum (Lang and
Fischer 1996).
I placed the slide I wanted students to
spend extra time interpreting at the end of
the presentation. When we reached the slide,
I asked students to stop, relax, focus their
attention on the image, and write answers to

:

When we finished, I spoke candidly with
students about the educational value of the
photographs. I asked if the images and our
discussion improved their understanding of
Mills. The feedback I received was positive;
there was unanimous agreement that the
slides helped illustrate Mills’s perspective.
Even so, I remained concerned about the
small number of students participating and
the unfocused nature of the discussion.
The following semester 1 prepared to use
the slides in two sections of a social prob­
lems course (56 students in one section and
42 in the other). The classes were held in a
tiered auditorium well-equipped for slide
presentations. Given the overall success of
the pilot project, I was confident the images
had potential for generating a meaningful
discussion of Mills’s ideas. Still, I specu­
lated that the problem of limited participa­
tion would be worse in a large auditorium,
and I wanted to make sure that most if not
all students took part in the discussion. I
began looking for a way to ensure that
students would stay engaged in both the
interpretation of the slides and the conversa­
tion that followed. I found a strategy in the
literature on art education.
In the field of art education, David
Perkins stands out as a substantial contribu­
tor. As co-director of Project Zero at the
Harvard Graduate School of Education,
Perkins has consistently been at ±e forefront
of efforts to advance the understanding of
teaching and learning processes. Perkins’
The Intelligent Eye: Learning to Think by
Looking at Art (1994) is most germane to
educators looking for ways to make better
use of visual imagery in the classroom. The
book serves as a guide to both the proce­
dures and rationale for incorporating visual
images and critical conversations into
courses across the disciplines.
The core ideas in Perkins’ work parallel
Mills’s (especially insofar as human devel­
opment is a steady concern). Mills (1959)
often wrote in terms of developing a
“quality of mind;” of that quality, certainly
an “intelligent eye” is an integral part
(Perkins 1994). Sociology is a paradigmatic

�ILLUSTRATING MILLS’S IMAGINATION

239

the set of questions I provided. They took group before the conversation returns to the
approximately 10 minutes to make their class as a whole.
observations. When it looked like most were
STUDENT REACTIONS
finished, I issued an open invitation for
students to share their views. The results in
both sections of the course were lively, I surveyed students immediately after the
thoughtful conversations. We discussed the slide presentations and our subsequent con­
private and personal aspects of the depres­ versations. The survey instrument included
sion; we talked about the biographies of five questions on the value of using pho­
individual Americans, and how they were tographs to learn about the sociological
shaped by the historic changes taking place imagination and one open-ended question in
in the 1930s. Then the conversation moved which I asked students to describe the most
to the larger consequences of the economic important thing they learned during the exer­
downturn as we talked about the profoundly cise. In all, I collected 162 surveys from
public and social nature of the problems students in four sections of social problems
during the 2000/2001 academic year. The
people faced.
When I gave students time to think, a responses to the first five questions on the
framework for interpreting, and a place to survey were generally positive (see Table).
Students’ responses to the open-ended
record their thoughts, they were much more
likely to participate in the class discussion. questions were also informative. When
Perhaps more important, the subject of the asked to describe the most important thing
conversations remained consistent with the they learned during the activity, students
goals of the course. From what I gathered responded with comments like:
during this exercise, each element seemed
1 learned to what extent peoples’ lives can be
critical to increasing the number of partici­
affected by larger social forces like the econ­
pants and improving the quality of the dia­
omy.
logue. However, other methods of engaging
students in a discussion of visual material
Severe economic depression affects everyone
have also been tested. For example, Wagner
in the family and society, not just the tradi­
has students begin their interpretations in
tional worker.
small groups before convening the entire
Everything that happens to people is not pri­
class. He notes of one such activity:
I quickly divided the class into small groups for
five to ten minutes worth of discussion, and
insisted that everyone in each group be given
the chance to say anything he or she wanted to
about the photographs. Having made a place in
this fashion for the most personal of responses,
we were then able to undertake a more collec­
tive discussion of the images and their relation­
ship to the topics we were investigating in the
course. (1979:191)

Whichever method an instructor finds appro­
priate, the most imporunt elements of an
exercise in visual interpretation are: (1)
ensuring that students have the time neces­
sary to think rigorously about the images,
and (2) allowing students to practice their
interpretation either on paper or with a small

vate; people are shaped by patterns they don i
even see.

No matter who you are or what your social
standing is, we are all affected by society.

It is not always people who change society. At
times, society changes people.

Although the evaluation of the activity was
quite positive, and I was pleased with the
learning that students reported to have taken
place, one shortcoming of the data is the fact
that it was drawn from an attitudinal survey
as opposed to a more rigorous performance
measure. From the standpoint of student
satisfaction, I can say with confidence that
depression-era photographs are a desirable

�Looking at Photographs of America
During the Depression

Mean

Percent “Agree” or
“Strongly Agree”

Nof
Evaluation

...helped me see the relationship between
individuals and society.

4.00

85.80

162

...helped me understand how large social
forces affect individuals.

4.22

90.00

160

...helped me understand what C. Wright
Mills meant by the “intersection of history
and biography.”

3.90

72.67

161

...made it easy for me to imagine how my
own life is shaped by social institutions
like the family, education, and economics.

4.08

83.85

161

...allowed me to use the “sociological
imagination.”

3.92

77.02

161

Note: Perceptions range from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree.

lic affairs, but it is worse that they tend not
to talk about public life: Kellogg notes that
only “16.4 percent reported discussing poli­
tics” at some point in the past year
(2001:A47).
Should we expect more? I think Mills
would probably say no; our students are
ordinary men and women. Their thoughts
and habits are “bounded by the private
itaffairs in which they live...limited to the
close-up scenes of job, family, neighbor­
CONCLUSION
hood” (Mills 1959:3). Here at the dawn of a
There is evidence to suggest that the socio­ new millennium, students are presented with
logical perspective is more necessary to an historic bombardment of issues and obli­
student development today than at any other gations. Teaching sociologists have perhaps
point in U.S. history. Commenting on the never faced a greater challenge to promoting
Annual Freshman Survey conducted by the the sociological imagination or passing on
Higher Education Research Institute at the the legacy of C. Wright Mills. Therefore,
University of California, Los Angeles, Alex the time is right to explore creative means to
Kellogg reported in the Chronicle of Higher help students develop the capacity to see.
Education that “[PJolitical engagement discuss, and eventually solve the “problems
among first-year students has reached an of biography, of history and their intersec­
all-time low, even though it typically jumps tions within...society” (Mills 1959:6). From
in election years” (2001:A47). He adds: what I have gathered, depression-era pho­
“Only 28 percent of entering college stu­ tographs provide important imagery for stu­
dents reported an interest in ‘keeping up to dents beginning to develop a sociological
date with political affairs,’ the lowest level eye. Further research may shed light on the
since the survey was established, in 1966” question of whether or not they use that eye
(2001 :A47). It is unsettling to know that to see outside the classroom.
entering freshmen are not interested in pub­

way to augment a discussion of Mills’s work
and thought. However, a more difficult
question remains unanswered: did this activ­
ity have the effect of making students more
likely to use the sociological perspective on
their own, outside the classroom? That is a
question that deserves fur±er research, both
in the context of this activity and others like

�ILLUSTRATING MILLS’S IMAGINATION

241

ology.” Studies in the Anthropology of Visual
Communication 1:3-26.
. 1981. Exploring Society Photographi­
cally. Chicago, IL: Mary and Leigh Block
Gallery, Northwestern University.
Davis. Nancy. 1993. “Bringing it All Together:
The Sociological Imagination.” Teaching Soci­
ology 23:233-38.
Guppy, Neil and Bruce Arai. 1994. “Teaching
Sociology: Comparing Undergraduate Curric­
ula in the United States and Canada.” Teaching
Sociology 22:217-30.
Hall, Elaine. 2000. “Packaging Poverty as an
Intersection of Race, Class, and Gender in
Introductory Textbooks 1982-1994.” Teaching
Sociology 4:299-315.
Hendershott, Anne and Sheila Wright. 1993.
“Bringing the Sociological Perspective into the
Evans, Walker. 1939. Untitled. Let Us
Praise
Interdisciplinary
Classroom Through Litera­
Famous Men, edited by James Agee and
ture.” Teaching Sociology 2\:325-3l.
Walker Evans. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin
Horowitz,
Irving Louis. 1976. “Pictures at an
Company.
Exhibition.” Pp. 7-11 in The Human Image:
Sociology and Photography, edited by Derral
APPENDIX B. GUIDING QUESTIONS
Cheatwood and Therold Lindquist. Fredonia,
FOR IN-CLASS ACTIVITY
NY; State University College of New York.
Hraba,
Joseph, Edward Powers, William Wood­
1. What do 1 see in this photograph?
man.
and Martin Miller. 1980. “Social Change
(List everything you can observe in this pho­
Through
Photographs and Music: A Qualitative
tograph. Do not forget to look for details.)
Method
for
Teaching.” Qualitative Sociology
2. What do I think or feel about this photo­
2:123-35.
graph?
Hughes, Everett. 1971. The Sociological Eye.
(What would you do if you were “in” the
Chicago, IL: Aldine-Atherton.
photograph? How would you feel? What
Kellogg,
Alex P. 2001. “Looking Inward, Fresh­
mood does the picture seem to have? And so
men Care Less About Politics and More About
on...)
Money.” Chronicle of Higher Education
3. Ask yourself some questions about this pho­
47(20):A47.
tograph:
King, Edith. 1992. “Using Museums for More
What does this photograph say about Ameri­
Effective Teaching of Ethnic Relations.”
can society in the 1930s?
Teaching Sociology 20:114-20.
How does this period differ from the present
Lang,
Georgia and Stephen Fischer. 1996.
period of U.S. history?
“
Responding
to the Art in Language Arts."
What does this image say about the men and
Wisconsin
English
Journal 4:18-20.
women who live in 1930s America?
Lena, Hugh and Bruce London. 1979. “An Intro­
duction to Sociology Through Fiction Using
REFERENCES
Kesey’s ‘One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest.’”
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Agee, James, and Walker Evans. 1939. Let Us
Martinez,
Theresa. 1994. “Popular Music in the
Now Praise Famous Men. Boston, MA:
Classroom:
Teaching Race, Class and Gender
Houghton Mifflin Company.
with
Popular
Culture.” Teaching Sociology
Ahlkvist, Jarl. 1999. “Music and Cultural Analy­
22:260-65.
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Miley, James. 1988. “By Its Right Name; The
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Sociology 16:173-76.
Barthel, Diane. 1987. “Using Art and Architec­
Mills,
C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagi­
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15:21-26.
Moran, Timothy Patrick. 1999. “Versify Your
Becker, Howard. 1974. “Photography and Soci­
APPENDIX A.

�Reading List: Using Poetry to Teach Inequal­
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Norman, Wilbert Reuben. 1991. “Photography
as a Research Tool.” Visual Anthropology
4:193-216.
Olzak, Susan. 1981. “Bringing Sociology Back
in: Conveying the Sociological Imagination in
a Changing Undergraduate Climate.” Teaching
Sociology 2:213-25.
Perkins, David. 1994. The Intelligent Eye: Learn­
ing to Think by Looking at Art. Santa Monica,
CA: The Getty Center for Education and the
Arts.
Prendergrast, Christopher. 1986. “Cinema Sociology:Cultivating the Sociological Imagination
Through Popular Film." Teaching Sociology
14:243-48.
Sontag, Susan. 1973. On Photography. New
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Stasz, Clarice. 1979. “The Early History of
Visual Sociology.” Pp. 119-36 in Images of
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Strauss, Roger. 1986. “Simple Games for Teach­
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Sullivan, Teresa. 1982. “Introductory Sociology
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1:109-16.
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U.S. Library of Congress, Special Collections.
2000. Farm Security Administration/Office of
War Information Collection, Prints and Pho­
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(http://WWW. loc. gov/rr/pr int/052_fsa. html).
Valdez and Halley. 1999. “Teaching Mexican
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Wagenaar, Theodore. 1991. “Goals for the Dis­
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ONLINE SOURCES FOR ARCHIVED
DEPRESSION-ERA PHOTOGRAPHS
Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2(XX). Special Ex­
hibition, Walker Evans. Retrieved August 27.
2001
(http://www.metmuseum.org/special/
walkerevans/walkerimages.html).
Oakland Museum of California. 1999. Dorothea
Lange Collection. Retrieved August 27, 2001
(hltp://www.museumca.org/global/art/collections_ dorothea_lange.html).
U.S. Library of Congress. 1998. America from
the Great Depression to World War II: Blackand-White Photographs from the FSA-OWI
1935-1945. Retrieved August 27, 2(X)1 (http://
memory, loc. gov/ammem/fsahtml/fahome.html).
U.S. Library of Congress, Special Collections.
2000. Farm Security Administration/Office of
War Information Collection, Prints and Pho­
tographs Division. Retrieved August 27, 2001
(http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/052_fsa.html).
University of Virginia, American Studies Pro­
gram. 2001. Walker Evans Page. Retrieved
August 21, 2001 (http://xroads.virginia.edu/
■■UG97/fsa/welcome.html).
Wesleyan University, Davidson Art Center.
2001. Farm Security Administration Pho­
tographs. Retrieved August 21, 2001 (http://
www.wesleyan.edu/dac/coll/surv/phoi/
fsa.html).
Chad Hanson is a member of the social science
faculty at Casper College. He teaches courses on crimi­
nology and the family in addition to social problems.
His research interests are focused on issues in higher
education, specifically teaching and learning. He has
also published in The Teaching Professor, The National
Teaching and Learning Forum, and College Teaching.

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                    <text>IMPROVING THE ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING:
ADVANCING A RESEARCH AGENDA IN SOCIOLOGY
*
tn the last two decades, format assessment of student learning in higher
education has become institutionalized. This paper summarizes current re­
search and writing about the key components of assessment plans (statement
of purpose, goals and outcomes objectives, and assessment mechanisms) and
about the work involved in conducting an annual assessment program. We
discuss the evolution of assessment within sociology and the paucity of both
descriptive and explanatory research on assessment of student learning. We
also pose important research questions that sociologists could pursue to
enhance understanding of the context, content, process, and effects of
assessment. The paper also examines the assessment movement itself: forces
that have stimulated the movement, the demonstrated benefits of conscien­
tious assessment of student learning, sources of resistance to assessment, and
the genera! status of assessment in higher education today.

Gregory L. Weiss

Janet R. Cosbey
Eastern Illinois University

Roanoke College

Shelly K. Habel

ChadM. Hanson

Georgetown University

Casper College

Carolee Larsen
Millsaps College

In the last two decades, an assessment student learning, (3) the systematic collec­
movement has emerged and spread through­ tion of information relative to the extent to
out a variety of social sectors including which the objectives are being accom­
businesses, social services, and education. plished, and (4) based on the information
Wi±in higher education, assessment can obtained, collective efforts to identify and
occur at the institutional, divisional, depart­ implement specific program changes to en­
mental, program, and class level and on hance student learning. Assessment is
both the academic and administrative sides grounded in the belief that effective institu­
of the institution. While the layers of assess­ tions and departments engage in a systematic
ment are naturally inter-related, this paper and continuous process of improvement in
focuses on the assessment of student learn­ order to better achieve their goals and objec­
ing by academic departments. As such, the tives.
focus is on a process that includes (1) the
Work on this paper began when the five of
department’s development of an explicit us collaborated at a conference on The
mission or purpose statement, (2) the formu­ Scholarship of Teaching and Learning in
lation of broadly stated goals and more Sociology held in Harrisonburg, Virginia in
specifically stated outcomes objectives for July 2000. The workshop brought together
more than 40 sociologists from all types of
*The authors wish to thank two anonymous
institutions to review and extend current
reviewers for their very helpful comments on an
scholarship in sociology related to (1) the
earlier draft of this paper. Please address all
correspondence to Gregory L. Weiss. Depanintegration of styles of teaching and styles of
ment of Sociology, Roanoke College. Salem.
learning, (2) the assessment of faculty, (3)
VA 24153; e-mail: weiss@roanoke.edu
partnerships between community and
Editor’s note: The reviewers were, in alpha­
academy, (4) technology and its uses in
betical order, Charles Powers and Stephen
leaching and learning, (5) the impact of
Sharkey.

Teaching Sociology. Vol. 30, 2002 (January:63-79)

63

�64

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY

institutional contexts on teaching and learn­
ing, and (6) the sociology curriculum and
assessment of student learning. The authors
of this paper worked to identify knowledge
that already existed about the assessment of
student learning and what still needed to be
known. In the course of doing this work we
hoped to establish and promote a research
agenda for sociologists interested in con­
tributing to an understanding of assessment
and its effects on teaching and learning.
FORCES PROMOTING THE
ASSESSMENT MOVEMENT

The primary stimulus for the assessment
movement occurred in the early 1980s
through increasingly vocal public dissatis­
faction with the quality of higher education
and increased calls for institutional account­
ability for educational promises. Wellpublicized exposes of students graduating
from college without fundamental reading,
writing, and mathematics skills contributed
to the suspicion that institutions were not
fulfilling their obligations to students. When
these complaints were coupled with requests
by institutions for more public funds, legis­
lators, parents, and students began demand­
ing empirical evidence of the real—as op­
posed to claimed—outcomes and benefits of
attending a college or university (Terenzini
1989).
These public outcries caught the attention
of two especially important groups: the six
regional accrediting agencies for colleges
and universities and several slate legislatures
(Schechter, Testa, and Eder 2000). Though
the terminology used by the accrediting
agencies differs, all of them now place some
emphasis on assessment (Maki 1999). For
example, the Southern Association of Col­
leges and Schools (SACS) has placed ex­
tremely high priority on assessment (in re­
cent years assessment has been the area in
which institutions have been most likely to
be judged in non-compliance by SACS), and
places it in the context of institutional effec­
tiveness. SACS’ Criteria for Accreditation
(1998:19) describes institutional effective­

ness as being “at the heart of the commis­
sion’s philosophy of accreditation” and
“central to institutional programs and opera­
tions.” It expresses an expectation that
“each member institution develop a broad­
based system to determine institutional ef­
fectiveness appropriate to its own context
and purpose, to use the purpose statement as
the foundation of planning and evaluation, to
employ a variety of assessment methods,
and to demonstrate use of the results of the
planning and evaluation process for the im­
provement of both educational programs and
support services.”
State legislatures have also become cen­
trally involved in the assessment and ac­
countability movement. Several legislatures
have applied significant pressure on public
institutions of higher education to engage in
a systematic process of assessment of their
programs and to document the outcomes and
value of the education provided. Some states
have created specific performance standards
to evaluate institutions and upon which to
base budget allocations (Burke, Modarresi,
and Serban 1999; Wellman 2001).
The same forces have in part been respon­
sible for stimulating considerable interest in
assessment throughout a wide variety of
academic groups, academic foundations, and
disciplinary associations. Groups such as the
American Association for Higher Education
(AAHE) now promote the value of assess­
ment as a legitimate means to improve
student learning, encourage institutions to
shape their own programs to be maximally
beneficial, and sponsor annual assessment
workshops.
Disciplinary associations, including the
American Sociological Association (ASA),
also support and encourage assessment ac­
tivity and have become advocates for the
development of sound assessment programs.
For example, the widely-read Liberal Learn­
ing and the Sociology Major (ASA 1992:2223), prepared by the ASA in conjunction
with the Association of American Colleges
(AAC), identifies assessment as one of 13
recommendations for all sociology depart­
ments:

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING
Departments
should
assess
the
major
(curriculum, courses, and instruction) on a
regular basis using multiple sources of data. To
implement this recommendation, departments
should routinely collect data by:
• examining the department’s goals, missions,
needs, facilities, access to resources, etc.;
• examining the faculty’s goals, needs, re­
sources, and perspectives on instruction;
• surveying present students, both majors and
non-majors, on needs, goals, levels of satis­
faction with courses and advising, social
networks, career goals and actual plans,
etc.;
• surveying graduates on. similar issues, as
well as on their identification with sociol­

ogy:
• monitoring similar data in other “sibling”
institutions and departments;
• aniculating the findings’ implications for
departmental programs.

RATIONALE FOR ASSESSMENT

The literature contains four primary argu­
ments for conscientious assessment pro­
grams as they relate to student learningincreased faculty conversation about teach­
ing and learning, improved classroom teach­
ing, effective curricular reform, and, most
importantly, enhanced student learning.
Conducting meaningful assessment re­
quires faculty colleagues to engage in seri­
ous conversation about teaching and learn­
ing: about the mission of the department or
program, about explicit goals and objectives
held for students, about ways to determine
the best manner to assess the extent to which
students are achieving the objectives, and
about ways that department organization,
curriculum, and course instruction can be
modified to enhance student learning. While
many departments never engage in this type
of discussion, proponents of assessment ar­
gue that they should and that the teaching­
learning process will inevitably benefit
(Howery 1992; Sharkey 1990).
The assessment literature suggests that
conversation about teaching and learning and
the self-reflection that it engenders leads to
a second benefit: improved teaching. The
process of mission, goal, and objective artic­

65

ulation forces faculty to think about their
own courses and course components in a
more focused way (Good and Brophy 1994;
Posner 1995). It creates a greater awareness
of how individual courses fit into the cur­
riculum, and it helps guide course construc­
tion and delivery.
This benefit may be especially true in the
case of classroom-embedded assessment
techniques such as the use of primary-trait
analysis (that is, the development of
rubrics), which uses graded assignments that
directly correspond to department and
course learning objectives (Huba and Freed
2000), and with classroom assessment tech­
niques (CAT), which use ungraded feedback
mechanisms to monitor the progress of stu­
dent learning during a course (Angelo and
Cross 1993; Brookfield 1995; Nilson 1998;
Tebo-Messina and Van Waller 1998). Be­
cause meaningful classroom assessment oc­
curs only when we lest what we teach (Cross
1999; Hilton, 1993; Lovell-Troy 1989) and
when we are willing to continually evaluate
what we are leaching (Angelo and Cross
1993), assessment creates a cycle of feed­
back, self-reflection, and effort to improve
leaching. There is evidence that the use of
these techniques constitutes good teaching as
they both require students to focus on what
they are learning (Eisenbach, Golich, and
Curry 1998) and enable students to more
actively monitor their own learning process
(Cross 1999). Students typically respond
favorably to these classroom techniques,
expressing greater satisfaction with courses
that use them (Steadman 1998). For these
reasons, it is not unusual to see discussions
of student assessment and faculty assessment
in tandem, as willingness to engage in stu­
dent assessment is seen as one measure of
faculty affectivity (Centra 1993; Weimer
1990).
A third benefit of assessment cited in the
literature is support for curricular reform.
An obvious sociological insight is that aca­
demic departments rarely equal the sum of
their parts—they are greater or lesser de­
pending upon the ability and willingness of
members to work together for the common

�TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
l«xt, Sunihuly. sociology curricula do not many more such examples exist, but most
timply equal lhe sum or aggregation of are only now finding their way into the
hMllvuliially constructed sociology courses. literature.
Miiiiy oj (he key curricular issues identified
in Liberal Learning and lhe Sociology MaTHE CURRENT STATUS
/fv -jniegration of the curriculum, meaningOF ASSESSMENT
lul sequencing of courses, requiring devel­
opmental levels, and overall curricular co­ In the last 15 years, assessment has been a
herence—cannot be addressed by individual primary movement within higher education.
faculty members, no matter how conscien­ The insistence of state legislatures and ac­
tious they are. Assessment provides a means crediting agencies; the endorsement of
for discussion of the collective departmental higher education associations, foundations,
mission, goals, and objectives; a technique and disciplinary associations; the institution­
for systematically collecting data to deter­ alization of assessment on campuses in the
mine the extent of success in achieving the form of assessment directors and commit­
objectives; and a forum for consideration of tees; and the ever-burgeoning growth of
curricular changes that would strengthen assessment conferences and assessment liter­
student learning (Ellis and Pouts 1993: ature testify to the secure hold that assess­
Howery 1992; Posner 1995).
ment has obtained. Yet, most higher educa­
Ultimately, the legitimacy of assessment tion experts around the country would agree
rests with the final perceived benefit: the that, to date, assessment’s record of accom­
genuine enhancement of student learning. plishment has fallen far short of the ideal or
The theoretical foundation of assessment is expected (Angelo 1999; Burke 1999; Lazerthat the focus of higher education should son, Wagener, and Shumanis 2000; Maki
shift from being teaching-oriented and input- 1999.)
oriented to learning-oriented and outcome­
In 1997 the New England Association of
based. The measure of success shifts from Colleges and Schools (the accrediting
what is being given to students or done to or agency in the New England area) surveyed
for students to what happens to students as a its 188 constituent institutions about activi­
result of their educational experience. Those ties directed toward assessing student out­
who work in assessment agree that this is a comes. A dozen years into the assessment
profound change.
movement, the great majority (92 percent)
Much of the evidence that exists regarding of the institutions indicated that they could
the positive effect of assessment on student “demonstrate not very well or only moder­
learning is based on either (I) the positive ately well the success of their efforts to
effects of clear goal- and objective-setting on assess, verify, and enhance the achievement
student learning or (2) case studies of institu­ of their mission and purposes through stu­
tions and departments that have experienced dent outcomes assessment” (Maki 1999:2).
enhanced student learning as a result of Sixty percent of administrators rated assess­
serious assessment. Examples in sociology ment as extremely important, but they esti­
of the latter include Sharkey’s report (1990) mated that 70 percent of the faculty viewed
on Alverno College’s success in teaching assessment as only somewhat important or
analysis and valuing: Jackson et al.’s report not at all important.
(1992) on Rhode Island College’s success in
A subsequent survey conducted by the
teaching research methods and social theory; National Center for Postsecondary Improve­
and Bradfield’s report (1992) and Eek’s ment (NCPI) of 1,400 public and private
reflection (2001) on James Madison Univer­ institutions examined the nature, extent, and
sity’s success helping students understand impact of student assessment strategies on a
the core paradigms of critical, interpreta­ national basis (Wright 2000). Although the
tive, and naturalistic analysis. Certainly, survey found fairly substantial institutional

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING
activity on collecting student assessment
data, most of what was collected were insti­
tutional data on students’ academic progress,
basic college readiness skills, academic in­
tentions of students, and satisfaction with the
undergraduate experience. Few institutions
indicated an engagement in more complex
assessment activities focused on evidence of
student learning. Results also indicated that
few institutions were making academic plan­
ning decisions based on the findings from
assessment data. The NCPI report stated
that while many state agencies and institu­
tional accrediting bodies have stimulated the
adoption of assessment activities, these ac­
tivities have had little impact on how institu­
tions have used student assessment data to
improve student performance. While assess­
ment holds much promise, the NCPI con­
cluded that it hardly constitutes an academic
revolution (National Center for Postsec­
ondary Improvement 1999).
Lazerson et al. (2000), commenting on
their survey of 320 institutions that under­
went reaccreditation reviews between 1997
and 1999, acknowledged that some changes
in leaching and learning in higher education
have occurred in recent decades, “but there
is little evidence that the changes add up to a
systematic reconsideration of how and why
students learn or of how institutions, rather
than simply individual professors, can revise
their approaches to teaching.” Palomba and
Banta (1999) charge that although most insti­
tutions are now involved in assessment, their
actions constitute little more than “a thin
veneer of compliance.” Acknowledging that
some academics and professional staff take
their assessment activity seriously, most are
only tangentially involved or not at all in­
volved in genuinely using assessment to
enhance student learning.
Yet, there are many examples of institu­
tions and academic departments that do take
assessment seriously and report positive
findings. Publications such as Assessment
Bulletin and Assessment Update routinely
report specific examples of successful as­
sessment programs. Books such as Banta et
al.’s Assessment in Practice: Putting Princi­

67

ples to Work on College Campuses (1996)
and Nichols’ A Practitioner’s Handbook for
Institutional Effectiveness and Student Out­
comes Assessment Implementation (1995)

offer exemplars of effective assessment ac­
tivity. It seems clear, according to Hutch­
ings and Marchese (1990), that where as­
sessment works, it does so because it is an
integral part of the entire educational experi­
ence. It is not a separate function on its own
but rather a process woven into the daily
fabric of college.
REASONS WHY ASSESSMENT
HAS NOT HAD MORE SUCCESS

What guidance does the literature offer to
help explain why assessment has not reached
a higher level of acceptance nor led to more
frequent genuine enhancements of student
learning? Four of the key factors are sum­
marized here.
First, conscientious assessment constitutes
a significant departure from the traditional
academic culture throughout higher educa­
tion but especially in larger, researchoriented institutions. Traditional academic
culture often is very individualistic, with
maximum emphasis placed on each faculty
member enacting his or her own career
without much interference or influence by
department or college. Teaching and curric­
ular matters may rarely be discussed, and no
one is likely to impinge on what occurs in
individual classrooms. Meaningful assess­
ment requires faculty to discuss matters such
as the mission of the program and its spe­
cific objectives, mechanisms to genuinely
assess student learning, and changes in cur­
riculum, policies, standards, course organi­
zation, and pedagogy that could positively
impact student learning. This requires coor­
dination, collaboration on teaching-learning
matters, and some willingness to prioritize
the common good or the student good over
personal desires.
In a paper presented at the 1999 Assess­
ment Institute, Banta et al. posited that the
very definition of assessment implies collab­
oration, but that higher education contains a

�68
variety of barriers to collaboration which
make genuine commitment to assessment
very difficult. While the reasons for lack of
greater assessment success at large universi­
ties and small colleges may not be identical,
Banta et al. identified the following barriers:
disciplinary traditions, the faculty reward
structure (as it relates to engaging in individ­
ual research projects and securing grants),
and the traditional configuration of teaching
as an individually practiced profession.
Keith and Myers (1992) concluded that
many faculty have little interest in collabora­
tion for the sake of student learning, have
not been convinced of its desirability, and
resent its interference with their own inter­
ests and autonomy.
Second, the manner in which the assess­
ment mandate has been presented to faculties
has further contributed to their resentment of
it. The traditional mistrust between college
faculties and state legislatures comes to the
surface in cases where legislators enact poli­
cies that directly or indirectly dictate to the
professorate (as occurs with performance
standards). While regional accrediting agen­
cies have been among the leaders in support­
ing and requiring assessment, they have
sometimes acted with such heavy­
handedness in working with constituent insti­
tutions that faculties come to see assessment
mostly or entirely as a mandate associated
with reaccrediiation rather than a genuine
technique to enhance student learning
(Sharkey 1990). This factor is further exac­
erbated by the fact that doing good assess­
ment does require time. Faculty members
will inevitably resent having any time­
significant task imposed on their workload
without some corresponding reduction in
other responsibilities.
Finally, Peter Ewell (1997) has suggested
two additional reasons that institutions of
higher education have not had more success
in enhancing student learning. He suggests
that those in higher education lack a clear
understanding of what collegiate learning
really means. This is consistent with the
oft-expressed idea that student learning is
such an obvious and taken-for-granted con­

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
cept that neither individually nor collectively
have we thought through its meaning. An­
gelo (1999:3-4) argues that “most assess­
ment efforts have resulted in little learning
improvement because they have been imple­
mented without a clear vision of what
“higher” or “deeper” learning is and with­
out an understanding of how assessment can
promote such learning.” This brings us to
Ewell’s other conclusion regarding assess­
ment: that assessment initiatives have, for
the most part, been attempted in a piecemeal
fashion within and across institutions. This
perception of haphazardness also contributes
to a failure to view the teaching/learning
process as part of the social institution of
education.
THE ENACTMENT OF ASSESSMENT:
ASSESSMENT PLANS AND ANNUAL
ASSESSMENT ACTIVITIES

As the assessment movement has evolved
and as the literature on assessment and the
number of workshops and sessions at profes­
sional meetings of academic disciplines and
higher education associations have in­
creased, the basic expectations for assess­
ment have crystallized. Essentially, but with
some important variations from region to
region, academic majors and programs
within higher education institutions must (1)
construct an assessment plan consisting of a
statement of purpose, a set of outcome
objectives for students majoring in the disci­
pline and a roster of mechanisms used to
assess success in achieving the objectives,
and (2) conduct an annual assessment pro­
gram in which a limited number of the
objectives are assessed and the results used
to identify and implement changes to en­
hance student learning. The following sec­
tions summarize current knowledge about
these components of assessment and suggest
questions to which sociological analysis
might be brought to bear.
Sociology is especially well-positioned to
offer both descriptions of what currently
exists with regard to assessment plans and
programs and analyses of factors that con-

�ASSESSMEOT OF STUDENT LEARNING
tribute to or impede effective assessment. A
sociology of assessment practice could easily
draw upon the insights of the discipline with
regard to the institutionalization of a new
paradigm and new activities. Such an ap­
proach would be enhanced both by macro­
level investigations of political, economic,
and socio-organizational factors that affect
the introduction and dissemination of assess­
ment and by micro-level analyses of the
processes by which assessment questions are
framed and assessment results used to mod­
ify curriculum and pedagogy. It could bene­
fit from all major theoretical analyses and
use both quantitative and qualitative methods
to obtain comprehensive understanding of
assessment. Potentially, these analyses can
offer important practical guidance to faculty
and departments as they work and some­
times struggle to understand and effectively
utilize results of assessment to enhance stu­
dent learning of sociology.
The Statement of Purpose
The statement of purpose is designed to be
the foundation and inspiration for all assess­
ment activity. Sociology purpose statements,
like those for all majors and programs, are
intended to articulate the contribution of the
discipline to the mission and goals of the
institution and describe the purpose of study­
ing the discipline (for example, what sociol­
ogy majors ought to learn and be able to do
as a result of studying sociology). While
purpose statements often are written generi­
cally, the best statements are tailored to the
specific programs and emphases of a partic­
ular department (Gardiner 1989).
The Program Assessment Consultation
Team (PACT) at California State University
at Bakersfield (a typical institutional assess­
ment committee but one that has published
an impressive assessment document) notes
that the mission statement should identify the
values and philosophy of the department and
a vision of what the department is doing. It
can include a brief history and philosophy of
the unit, the type of students to be served
and their geographic area, the academic
environment and primary focus of the cur-

69

riculum, faculty roles, contributions to and
connections with the community, the role of
research, and a nondiscrimination statement
(PACT Outcomes Assessment Handbook,
2000). A well-written statement should be
used to guide decision-making about curricu­
lum, policies, and standards and should
provide the framework for the program’s
goals and objectives.
The literature on higher education contains
numerous essays and reflections on the im­
portance of purpose statements, key compo­
nents of well written statements, successful
processes for writing statements, and ways
to link purpose statements with goals and
objectives. However, there has been almost
no systematic research on the content of
purpose or mission statements and on varia­
tions in statements based on type of institu­
tion. Many assessment experts believe that,
despite the attention given to assessment in
the last two decades, institutional purpose
statements remain largely generic and not
substantially different among various types
of institutions—a pattern first reported by
Weick in the mid-1970s (Weick 1976).
This pattern was affirmed in recent re­
search by Delucchi (2000) who analyzed the
academic mission statements of 303 liberal
arts colleges in the United States. Among his
findings was that 70 percent of colleges
making liberal arts claims in their mission
statements actually awarded degrees primar­
ily in professional disciplines. He concluded
that the claim to liberal arts often failed to
reveal the actual motives that shaped the
curriculum, and that it may be both politi­
cally and methodologically more valuable
for sociology faculty to frame their assess­
ment of student learning within the context
of the discipline as opposed to the mission of
a particular institution.
Powers (2000:42) offers an excellent ex­
plication of the role of a guiding mission
statement in his description of Santa Clara
University’s efforts to build a developmental
curriculum. His department’s mission is to
“offer students sociological tools and in­
sights they can use to improve the effective­
ness of the organizations they are a part of

�70

___________ TEACHING SOCIOLOGY

and enhance the quality of the communities identified as characterizing the sociology
they live in.” This mission statement has
program? What elements of educational phi­
become the department’s organizing focal losophy are included? Is attention given to
point for the construction of specific learn­ the purpose of sociology as a general educa­
ing objectives, curriculum design, and as­ tion requirement? To what extent does the
sessment techniques to gain feedback on the content of purpose statements differ in pri­
department’s success.
vate versus public institutions, churchClearly there is an important research
related versus secular institutions, small ver­
agenda for sociologists who want to shed sus large institutions, single-sex versus coed­
light on the context in which sociology
ucational institutions, or by institutional lo­
purpose statements are written, the content cation (e.g., urban versus small town and
of the statements, the process by which they south versus midwest)?
were written, and the effects or outcomes of
Process. What process is used to write the
having a purpose statement in place. The statement? To what extent is it created out of
following offers a beginning list of questions
group discussion and collaboration versus
that sociologists might pursue. Given that the work of the chair or a single individual?
we are at a very early stage of sociological How is the process subsumed within the
research on assessment, most of the identi­ traditional organizational bureaucracy of the
fied questions are descriptive in nature.
department? What occurs when most or
Context. What is the institutional setting in even some faculty refuse to participate or
which the department has been asked to undermine the work of others? How does the
write a purpose statement? Is there adminis­ department assessment leader encourage
trative support for the work of departments follow-through on collective decisions?
in writing a mission statement? What guid­ What strategies are used to encourage fac­
ance do institutional administrators offer, ulty to keep an open mind about or support
and what resources, if any, have been made conscientious assessment?
available to assist in the work? What ratio­
Effects. Is the statement supported by
nale does administrators and department faculty? Is it used as a framework for identi­
chairpersons offer for faculty to take assess­ fying goals and objectives? Is it viewed as a
ment responsibility seriously? How much useful activity? Does the process by which
time is given to draft the statement? What the statement is written affect the level of
institutional rewards and sanctions are used acceptance of the statement? Does the pur­
to stimulate this work? What is the influence
pose statement lead to departmental, curric­
of these factors on the content, process, and ular, or pedagogical decisions that affect the
outcomes of writing the statement?
teaching and learning of sociology? Are
Content. To what extent and in what ways changes made to enhance curricular coher­
are sociology purpose statements linked to ence and student learning? Are improve­
institutional purpose statements? What do
ments made in positive student outcomes?
sociology faculties identify as the fundamen­
tal purpose of their department and its fun­ Goals and Objectives
damental contribution to the instimtion? To “The departmental purpose statement is to
what extent are statements focused on stu­ lead to the formulation of a list of goals and
dents’ learning versus a research mission or outcomes objectives for students majoring in
a community or public service mission? To the field. Goals are statements about general
what extent does the purpose statement focus aims or purposes of education that are
on the cognitive abilities of students versus broad, long-range intended outcomes that
more generic skills (such as critical thinking can be used in policy making and general
and effective writing), value acquisition, and program planning” (Johnson, Potts, and
post-graduation employment?
Hood 1999). They are “general aims or
What major emphases and directions are
purposes of the program and the curriculum;

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING
include broad, long-range intended out­
on task, and increased motivation for goal
comes, wishes, desires, and intentions, as attainment. Educational treatises today rou­
well as statements about content knowledge,
tinely cite the positive effects of carefully
skills, attributes, broad knowledge/values,
designed, clearly expressed, explicit learn­
and perspectives expected in graduates”
ing goals (see Ellis and Pouts 1993 on clear
(PACT Outcomes Assessment Handbook
goal-setting
contributing to effective
2000:11).
schools; Good and Brophy 1994 on goals as
Each goal has one or more corresponding
motivators; Posner 1995 on the contribution
outcomes objectives. The best-written objec­ of goal setting to coherent curricula; Cross
tives are concise, clear statements that de­
1999 on goal-setting as a motivator specifi­
scribe a measurable learning outcome. They cally among college students; and Johnson.
are focused on the specific types of perfor­ Potts, and Hood 1999 on the contribution of
mance that students are expected to demon­ department goal setting to course instruc­
strate at the end of instruction (Johnson, tion).
Potts, and Hood 1999), Objectives “...flow
There is a small body of literature in
from the goals; [they are] operational defini­ sociology that specifically addresses the im­
tions that let you know if goals are being
portance of goal- and objective-setting in
reached; [they are] langible/observabie out­ shaping the curriculum and in assessing
comes expected in your students” (PACT student learning. Given the demonstrated
Outcomes Assessment Handbook 20(X):ll). value of goal articulation for student learn­
They should include the knowledge, skills, ing, it is surprising that more sociologists
attitudes, behaviors, and achievements ex­ have not addressed this issue. Interestingly,
pected of students in the major.
some sociologists were addressing this issue
The emphasis within the assessment move­ before the assessment movement in higher
ment is on objectives that are clear, measur­ education really became visible. In an early
able. and outcome- or result-oriented rather Teaching Sociology article, Miriampolski
than process-oriented. This is contrary to the (1978) reflected on goals that would be
tradition of most academic departments, appropriate in a humanistic approach to
which are more accustomed to identifying introducing students to sociology. (He rec­
what the faculty will do than what will
ommended understanding social determin­
happen to students. While some departments ism, relativizing culture, instilling a sense of
still include some process-oriented objec­ social realism, and developing skills in criti­
tives, the emphasis now is on identification cal evaluation.)
of what students will be able to do as a result
Among the earliest attempts to discover
of studying sociology.
the content of goals emphasized in sociology
Much education literature exists on the is the work of Vaughan (1980:268). She
importance of clear articulation of goals and analyzed textbooks; study guides and in­
objectives. Empirical research (both labora­ structor s manuals for the introductory soci­
tory and in the field) across a wide range of ology course; course syllabi for the intro­
organizational settings strongly supports the ductory course (that were collected by the
positive effects of goal-setting on learning ASA Section on Undergraduate Education);
and performance improvement. In an early and surveys of departmental chairpersons to
review of 17 empirical studies, Locke et al. assemble a list of Stated Goals for Under­
(1981) found that setting challenging goals graduate Instruction in Sociology. She iden­
versus more vague “do your best” goals tified the following goals: (1) to transmit a
increased performance in every one of the
body of knowledge to the students. (2) to
studies. How did clear goal setting lead to develop cenain substantive understandings
improved performance? It led to more fo­ in the students, (3) to contribute to the
cused attention and action, greater mobiliza­ general intellectual and personal develop­
tion of energy and effort, greater persistence
ment of students, and (4) to contribute to

�72
students’ vocational preparation. Others who
reflected on appropriate goals for sociology
include Bradshaw and McPherron (1980),
Hazzard (1991), McMillan and McKinney
(1985), Rhoades (1980), and Stephan and
Massey (1982).
In 1991, Wagenaar extended and formal­
ized much of this thinking by drafting a list
of 10 goals for undergraduate sociology
(which linked goals and outcomes objec­
tives). These goals later became the basis for
a list of 12 learning goals for the sociology
major that was included in Liberal Learning
and the Sociology Major (ASA 1992). These
two sets of goals have been widely cited and
used as a foundation for their own goal­
setting by sociology programs around the
country. The Liberal Learning goals are
contained in Table 1. Also, in 1992, the
ASA’s Teaching Resources Center published
Assessing Undergraduate Learning in Soci­
ology, edited by Sharkey and Johnson,
which has also been an extremely useful
document to many sociology programs.
Much of the writing by sociologists on
goals and objectives has been prescriptive,
reflecting efforts to recommend goals and

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
objectives that sociology departments might
consider. What is needed is more empirical
research—both descriptive and explana­
tory—that relates to the context, content,
process, and effects of goal- and objective­
writing.
Context. What is the institutional setting in
which the department has been asked to
write learning goals and objectives? Is there
administrative support for this work? What
guidance is offered by institutional adminis­
trators, and what resources, if any, have
been made available to assist in the work?
What rationale do administrators and depart­
ment chairpersons offer to faculty to justify
this work? How much time is given to write
goals and objectives? What institutional re­
wards and sanctions are used to stimulate
this work?
Content. What are the goals and outcome
objectives that sociology programs have
adopted? How do they compare with the
goals and objectives identified in Liberal
Leaming-nTe they more or less inclusive?
Do they follow from the institutional and
program statement of purpose? How do they
compare with the goals and objectives writ-

Table 1. Learning Goals for the Sociology Major (from Liberal Learning and the SocioIorv Major}
The sociology major should study, review, and reflect on;
(1) the discipline of sociology and its role in contributing to our understanding of social reality, such
that the student will be able to;
•
describe how sociology differs from and is similar to other social sciences, and give examples
of these differences;
•
describe how sociology contributes to a liberal arts understanding of social reality; and
•
apply the sociological imagination, sociological principles, and concepts to her/his own life.
(2) the role of theory in sociology, such that the students will be able to;
•
define theory and describe its role in building sociological knowledge;
•
compare and contrast basic theoretical orientations;
•
show how theories reflect the historical context of times and cultures in which they were
developed;
•
describe and apply some basic theories or theoretical orientations in at least one area of social
reality.
(3) the role of evidence and qualitative and quantitative methods in sociology, such that the student
will be able to;
•
identify basic methodological approaches and describe the general role of methods in building
sociological knowledge;
•
compare and contrast the basic methodological approaches for gathering data;
•
design a research study in an area of choice and explain why various decisions were made; and
•
critically assess a published research report and explain how the study could have been
improved.

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING

73

Table 1. con’t
(4) basic concepts in sociology and their fundamental theoretical interrelations, such that the student
will be able to:
•
define, give examples, and demonstrate the relevance of the following: culture, social change,
socialization, stratification, social structure, institutions, and differentiations by race/ethnicity,
gender, age, and class.
(5) how culture and social structure operate, such that the student will be able to:
•
show how institutions interlink their effects on each other and on individuals;
•
demonstrate how social change factors such as population or urbanization affect social
structures and individuals;
•
demonstrate how culture and social structure vary across time and place, and the effect of such
variations; and
•
identify examples of specific policy implications using reasoning about social structural
effects.
(6) reciprocal relations between individuals and society, such that the student will be able to:
•
explain how the self develops sociologically;
•
demonstrate how societal and structural factors influence individual behavior and the selfs
development;
•
demonstrate how social interaction and the self influence society and social structure; and
•
distinguish sociological approaches to analyzing the self from psychological, economic, and
other approaches.
(7) the macro/micro distinction, such that the student will be able to:
•
compare and contrast theories at one level with those at another;
•
summarize some research documenting connections between the two; and
•
develop a list of research or analytical issues that should be pursued to more fully understand
the connections between the two.
(8) in depth at least one area within sociology, such that the student will be able to:
•
summarize basic questions and issues in the area;
•
compare and contrast basic theoretical orientations and middle range theories in the area;
•
show how sociology helps understand the area;
•
summarize current research in the area; and
•
develop specific policy implications of research and theories in the area.
(9) the internal diversity of American society and its place in the international context, such that the
student will be able to describe:
•
the significance of variations by race, class, gender, and age; and
•
will know how to appropriately generalize or resist generalizations across groups.
(10) one or more areas within sociology, such that the student will be able to:
•
compare and contrast the basic theoretical orientations in the area;
•
show how sociology helps understand the area;
•
summarize current research in the area; and
•
develop policy implications of the research and theory in the area.

Two more generic goals that should be pursued in sociology are:
(11) To think critically, such that the student will be able to:
•
move easily from recall analysis and application to synthesis and evaluation;
•
identify underlying assumptions in particular theoretical orientations or arguments;
•
identify underlying assumptions particular methodological approaches to an issue;
•
show how patterns of thought and knowledge are directly influenced by political-economic
social structures; and
•
present opposing viewpoints and alternative hypotheses on various issues.
(12) To develop values, such that the student will see;
•
the utility of the sociological perspective as one of several perspectives on social reality; and
•
the importance of reducing the negative effects of social inequality.

�74
ten in other social science departments at the
same institution?
To what extent do they focus on the
cognitive learning of sociology versus skill
development (for example, theory construc­
tion or interviewing skills) versus generic
skills (for example, effective writing and
oral presentation)? Is there any focus on
value socialization or on enabling students to
understand their own education as being part
of a larger social institution that has social,
political, cultural, and economic conse­
quences? To what extent does the content of
goals and objectives differ in private versus
public institutions, church-related versus
secular institutions, small versus large insti­
tutions, single-sex versus coeducational in­
stitutions, or by institutional location (e.g.,
urban versus small town and south versus
midwest)?
Process. What process is used to write the
goals and objectives? To what extent are
they created out of group discussion and
collaboration versus the work of the chair or
a single individual? How is the process
subsumed within the traditional organiza­
tional bureaucracy of the department? What
occurs when faculty refuse to participate or
undermine the work of others? How does the
department assessment leader encourage
follow-through on collective decisions?
What strategies are used to encourage fac­
ulty to keep an open mind about or to
support conscientious assessment?
Effects. Are the goals and objectives sup­
ported by faculty? Does the process by
which they have been written affect their
level of acceptance? Do the goals and objec­
tives genuinely influence decisions about
curriculum, policies, and standards? Are
faculty familiar with them? Are students
familiar with them? Do they influence
course content and pedagogy? Are they peri­
odically reviewed? What factors influence
the degree to which the goals and objectives
are used as guides? To what extent do they
differ in private versus public institutions,
church-related versus secular institutions,
small versus large institutions, single-sex
versus coeducational institutions, or by insti­

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY
tutional location?
Assessment Mechanisms

Being accustomed to conceptualizing, opera­
tionalizing, and measuring human attitudes
and behaviors, sociologists likely have as
much experience as any academicians with
mechanisms for assessing student learning.
Early assessment programs often consisted
of little more than administering test scores
to measure student outcomes (Schilling and
Schilling 1998). Today, however, assess­
ment of student learning occurs through a
wide variety of techniques based on the
collection of information from current stu­
dents, from alumni, from relevant con­
stituencies (for example, employers and
graduate schools), from external reviewers,
and from the monitoring of institutional
data. Table 2 identifies some of the com­
monly used assessment mechanisms in soci­
ology.
Most of the increasingly voluminous liter­
ature on assessment mechanisms focuses on
one of ±ree topics: (1) a discussion about
methodological issues involved in assessing
outcomes (e.g.. Assessment in Higher Edu­
cation: Issues of Access, Quality, Student
Development, and Public Policy IMessick
19991), (2) a description and evaluation of
one or more specific mechanisms (e.g.,
Classroom Assessment Techniques: A Hand­
book for College Teachers [Angelo and
Cross 1993]), and (3) a description of the
mechanisms used in particular institutions
(e.g.. Assessment in Practice: Putting Prin­
ciples to 'Work on College Campuses (Banta
et al. 1996]).
The literature on assessment methodology
typically centers on recommendations for
ensuring the validity and reliability of as­
sessment findings. Common in these recom­
mendations (American Association of Col­
leges 1992; Banta et al. 1996; Schilling and
Schilling 1998) are the following five fea­
tures:
(1)

Assessment mechanisms should provide
answers to genuine questions that faculty
have. If faculty do not care about the

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING

75

Table 2. A Partial List of Assessment Mechanisms

From Current Students
Classroom-embedded techniques that focus on a direct educational outcome

Performance in senior capstone course
Major papers and projects
Nationally-normed examinations
In-house examination administered in the capstone course
In-house essay administered early and late in major
Student portfolios
Surveys and Focus groups
Awards/grants/publications/presentations/honors
Senior exit interviews

From Alumni
Placement records (education, employment) of graduates
Alumni surveys

From Relevant College and External Constituencies
Focus groups of faculty in related programs and with staff in
Admissions, Academic Services, and the Registrar’s Office
Surveys of employers and faculty in graduate programs in which graduates have matriculated

From Program Reviewers and College Data
External reviews
Monitoring of background/quality of students declaring major,
grades, i&gt;erformance in campus-wide competitions

(2)

(3)

(4)
(5)

results of questions asked, then the mecha­
nism is a poor one.
Assessment mechanisms should actually
measure what they are intended to mea­
sure. Assessment mechanisms should en­
able faculty to draw correct conclusions
about the extent to which objectives are
being met. (One of the best-condensed
discussions of the strengths and weak­
nesses of specific assessment mechanisms
is the Cal Siaie-Bakersfield PACT Out­
comes Assessment Handbook described
earlier.)
Both quantitative (e.g., numerical data
such as scores on comprehensive exams
and number of students doing independent
studies) and qualitative (e.g., assessment
of student portfolios) measures should be
used.
At least two mechanisms should be used
to assess each of the objectives.
Assessment information should be col­
lected from a variety of constituencies.
For example, departments might focus on
current majors and minors, students in the

introductory class, non-majors taking
electives in the department, recent or
older alums, faculty in other departments,
student services staff, etc.

There is significant sociological literature
(primarily in Teaching Sociology) about the
use of various pedagogical strategies and
classroom projects and activities. Some of
these articles include systematic evaluation
of the technique, while others are simply
anecdotal reports. Many have potential to be
considered in an assessment context, though
this connection typically has been implicit.
Nevertheless, there are several good exam­
ples of assessment-related thinking. Watts
and Ellis (1989) discussed using occupa­
tional status and mobility of graduates as an
assessment mechanism; Sharkey (1990) dis­
cussed several issues related to organizing
an entire curriculum around learning out­
comes; and the ASA Teaching Resources
Center publication on assessment, edited by

�76

TEACHING SOCIOLOGY

Sharkey and Johnson (1992) includes pieces
by Thompson on assessing learning in re­
search methods, by Vera on assessing read­
ing ability, and by Hartman on using a
senior-level paper to assess the major.
Given the expertise of many sociologists
in the conceptualization and operationaliza­
tion of social variables and the exercise of
sound research techniques, there is consider­
able potential for greater sociological contri­
butions to understanding assessment mecha­
nisms. Research is needed on the advantages
and disadvantages of each assessment mech­
anism relative to the quality, depth, and
quantity of learning that occurs. In sociol­
ogy, examples of specific questions are: To
what extent do we obtain accurate assess­
ment data from examining performance on
the Educational Testing Service Major Field
Test or on some other nationally-normed
examination? Are helpful in-house compre­
hensive examinations being used? If so,
what can we learn from them? Is perfor­
mance in capstone courses or in internships
and independent studies genuinely reflective
of student learning in the major? How are
student portfolios used to assess sociology
learning? How do sociology faculty compare
assessment mechanisms on the quality of
information collected?
Which mechanisms are most appropriate
to use with particular learning objectives?
Do we receive reliable data when we use
multiple mechanisms to assess a single ob­
jective? Do external assessors (e.g., gradu­
ate schools and employers and outside re­
viewers of a department) confirm other indi­
cators of student learning? What is learned
by studying the observations of alumni grad­
uates? Are their perceptions similar to those
reported by seniors?

pare them to pre-formulated expectations
(that is, criteria of success), and, most
importantly, identify and implement specific
actions designed to enhance student learning
(this final process is referred to as closing
the loop}. This final stage is the ultimate
purpose of assessment and reconnects the
process to its underlying rationale: that gen­
uinely effective departments and programs
continually look for ways to improve student
learning and that they base their analysis on
data that have been systematically collected
(Nichols 1995).
With regard to the assessment program,
there is again an extraordinary need for
empirical research. In addition to the same
kinds of questions suggested for analysis of
purpose statements and the writing of goals
and objectives, other specific questions can
be asked: How has sociology shaped the
implementation of annual assessment pro­
grams? How are assessment activities sched­
uled into the routine administrative tasks that
are accomplished during the academic year?
How do departments configure themselves
to accomplish annual assessment?
Are there particular objectives that sociol­
ogy programs typically achieve? Are there
particular objectives on which sociology
programs typically fail? In what ways have
sociology programs changed in response to
assessment? What kinds of changes typically
succeed and what kinds typically fail? What
factors influence the conscientiousness with
which departmental assessment is conducted
and with which efforts to enact program
improvements are made and carried out?

An Annual Assessment Program

Assessment-focused research indicates the
potential for substantial enhancement of stu­
dent learning. Yet, much remains to be
learned about the manner in which assess­
ment makes a positive contribution, about
how assessment can be configured to pro­
vide the most and best data about student
learning, and about ways to overcome resis-

The Assessment Plan simply identifies the
working pieces of the assessment process.
Assessment becomes real each year when
faculty select a small number of outcome
objectives (typically about three to five)
upon which to focus, carry out the necessary
mechanisms, examine the results and com­

THE NEXT DECADE: THE SCHOLAR­
SHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING
AND THE ASSESSMENT MOVEMENT

�ASSESSMENT OF STUDENT LEARNING
lance to assessment. This is true for all of
higher education, and it is true for sociol­
ogyThe need for more research and reflection
on assessment of student learning coincides
with the development and continued refine­
ment of a scholarship of teaching and learn­
ing (SOTL) within sociology. Defined as the
systematic reflection on leaching and learn­
ing made public (McKinney 2000), SOTL
seeks to promote the research that faculty
members conduct on their daily activities.
Research on assessment can contribute to the
knowledge base about this important move­
ment within higher education and can pro­
vide information that contributes in a very
practical and direct way to improved teach­
ing and learning. This paper ends with a call
and encouragement for sociologists to partic­
ipate in the scholarship of teaching and
learning in general and to assist in conduct­
ing research on the assessment of student
learning in particular.
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Greg Weiss is professor of sociology at Roanoke
College. His research interests center around the sociol­
ogy curriculum and assessment, end-of-life decision­
making, and health protective behaviors. He is co­
author with Lynne Lonnquist of 77ie Sociology of
Health. Healing, and Illness.
Janet Cosbey is associate professor of sociology at
Eastern Illinois University. Her research interests focus
on gender, family, gerontology, and teaching styles and
techniques.

Shelly Habel is visiting assistant professor of sociol­
ogy at Georgetown University. Her research interests
focus on teaching and learning with Web-based com­
puter course delivery systems and assessment of student
learning.
Chad Hanson is a member of the social science
faculty at Casper College. His research interests focus
on issues in higher education, specifically teaching and
learning. He has recently published in The Teaching
Professor, The National Teaching and Learning Forum,
and College Teaching.

Carolee Larsen is assistant professor of sociology at
Millsaps College. Her research interests include assess­
ment of student learning, the impact of technology on
society, and welfare-to-work issues.

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                    <text>COMMUNITY
COLLEGE
JOURNAL

Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 27: 173-190, 2003
Copyright £; 2003 Taylor &amp; Francis

Taylor &amp; Francis
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DOI: 10.1080/10668920390128834

OF RESEARCH AND PRACTICE_____________________________________ ____________________
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al u (.ia

»«ift efNorth Tiau

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
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University of North Texas
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Phone: 940-565-4074; Fax: 940-369-7177
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LEARNING RESOURCF-S EDITORS

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for Community College Education, Univerity of

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THE PROMISE OF DEMOCRACY'S COLLEGE:
TOWN HALL MEETING AS TEACHING METHOD

Chad M. Hanson
Casper College, Casper, Wyoming, USA

This article examines the rale of the community college in American society.
Numerous changes are mentioned with respect to the norms and values observed
in two-year schools, particularly in the last 20 years as the “learning revolution"
has shaped organizational beliefs and practices. The implications of the changing
norms and values are discussed in terms of their impact on pedagogy in the twoyear college, and a specific teaching method, the town hall meeting, is offered as an
alternative to technologically mediated and individualised modes of instruction.
Results ofan evaluation survey are presented, and the article concludes with a call
for future research on the social, cultural, and political roles served by the com­
munity college.

As a beginning community college instructor, I spent much of my time
searching for a teaching method that would help create an engaged and
critical classroom environment. Three years ago I settled on a strategy
that uses the New England town hall meeting as a model. In many
ways, the New England town meeting represents an ideal forum for
participatory democracy (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Tipton &amp; Swidler,
1985). It is a format well suited to the community college classroom, as
two-year schools have long been considered “democracy’s college”
(Cohen &amp; Brawer, 1982; Diekhoff, 1950; Griffith &amp; Connor, 1994;
Hanson, 1996; Rhoades &amp; Valadez, 1996). In theory, the American
community college was an institution meant to democratize higher
education. In this article I propose a bridge from theory to practice and
offer both the rationale and procedures for creating a classroom
environment that rewards participation and supports democracy.

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An earlier version of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the Pacific
Sociological Association. April 21, 2002, Vancouver, B.C.
Address correspondence to Chad M. Hanson, Department of Sociology, Casper
College, 125 College Drive, Casper, WY 82601. E-mail: chanson@ca8percollege.edu

�C. M. Hanson

Town Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

Throughout its history, the American community college has been a
controversial institution (Dougherty, 1994; Frye, 1994). Even during
the great period of growth and expansion, the 1960s and 1970s,
community colleges were praised by some (Gleazer, 1981; Medsker,
1960) and criticized by others (Karabel, 1972; Zwerling, 1976). Some
claimed community colleges act as social and economic elevators,
lifting disadvantaged people up into desirable occupations (Cohen &amp;
Drawer, 1982). Others saw two-year schools as a way of providing false
hope to a class of Americans that would maintain their positions in
society, even despite open access to education (Clark, 1960, 1980;
Pincus, 1980). Historically, scholars have been deeply divided on the
issue of assessing the community college’s role in society.
However, the two-year school is a less contentious institution today
than it has been at any point in the past. Tbday there are few public or
professional debates with respect to the institution’s purpose or mis­
sion. At present, it is rare to see or hear questions about the institu­
tion’s role in the social or political life of the nation. There are few
debates of this nature in the literature on community colleges, and few
among faculty or staff. Today the value of community colleges is
generally agreed on—cultural and economic forces have coalesced to
forge a cohesive vision of the community college—with little or no
opposition (Levin, 2001). When it comes to our current understanding
of the American two-year school, we tend to see the institution in
practical, utilitarian terms. Despite early democratic ideals, we are
increasingly apt to view and use the institution as a public, tax-sup­
ported means to train workers for the private sector (Brint &amp; Karabel,
1989; Levin, 2002).

been shown that the decade of the 1990s brought a decisive shift in the
organizational beliefs and practices commonly seen in two-year
schools. Despite the fact that Americans conceived the community
college as a public institution along the same lines as churches,
museums, or parks, in the decade of the 1990s two-year college pro­
fessionals began to see their institutions in a different light. In the
minds of those shaping the organizational culture of the two-year
school, “community college stakeholders and interest groups were no
longer synonymous with the social community but rather with the
business and industrial community” (Levin, 2002, p. 141).
The shift in emphasis did not take place on its own, as part of a nat­
ural course. The change represents a victory for special interest groups
like the League for Innovation in the Community College. Over the last
ten years, the League has successfully launched a “revolution” in
American two-year schools (O’Banion, 1998a). Beginning in the early
1990s, the League and its corporate partners including Apple, Micro­
soft, IBM, and Sun Micro Systems, launched a “learning revolution”
designed to change the way two-year college education is both conceived
and practiced (Barr &amp; Tagg, 1995; O’Banion, 1998b). Through con­
ferences, monograms, and carefully placed publications learning advo­
cates significantly altered the cultural landscape of the two-year college.
The learning revolution has been espoused as a universally positive
movement. The tenor of the work that has fueled the revolution is
pleasant to the point where it almost seems nonpartisan. But there
can be no mistake, the changes prescribed in the learning college lit­
erature are designed to serve the interests of conservative business
leaders. By the late 1990s, with the revolution in full swing, students,
faculty, administrators, and legislators had all come to view commu­
nity colleges largely as corporate training sites. Taken together, the
changes wrought by learning advocates pose a direct challenge to the
nonmarket values which support the view that liberal education is a
cornerstone of American democracy.

174

THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE IN AMERICAN LIFE

In 1992, Clifford Adelman published a U.S. Department of Education
report on two-year schools titled The Way We Are: The Community
College as American Thermometer. In the report, Adelman suggests the
two-year school may embody many of our most central values and
beliefs. He used data from the National Longitudinal Survey (NLS) and
over 10,000 college transcripts to develop a profile of those attending
two-year schools. The analysis leads to a thorough description of course­
taking patterns, and also to key inferences about the mindset and
attitudes of those Americans who enrolled in community colleges. In
sum, Adelman suggests of the subjects in the research, “their experi­
ence may be emblematic of the ways in which we Americans use other
normative institutions such as those of religion and the arts” (Adelman,
1992, p. 1). But in the years that followed Adelman’s analysis, it has also

176

With the concept of a learning college emerging as a beacon of change,
the purpose of the institution decidedly moved from individual and
community betterment to economic ends: development sites for work­
force preparation. (Levin, 2001, p. 170)

Institutional rationales paralleled the view of education and training as
a commodity, students as customers, and business and industry as cli­
ents—all reinforcing market ideology. (Levin, 2001, p. 17)

Those currently shaping the culture of community colleges—
admimstrators, legislators, trustees, and business leaders—all expect

�C. M. Hanson

Town Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

twoyear schools to produce competent and dutiful employees for the
new global economy. Those are admirable goals, at least at some level,
but they are goals that stand in stark contrast to the broad social
agenda that drove the institution’s expansion in the 1960s and 1970s.
The changes have obvious political and economic overtones, but
equally important are the curricular and pedagogical implications of
the changes taking place as two-year schools continue to transform
themselves into “learning colleges.” The changes have been promoted
aggressively by college administrators and the institution’s economic
stakeholders, but the consequences have been seen and felt in every
comer of the community college, including the classroom.

the larger process of becoming educated. Learning takes place nearly
everywhere, almost all of the time, but that cannot be said of educa­
tion. What it means to be an educated person is something to be
debated. But in any definition it must be said that education is a social
process. Education is a social institution, just like the family, sports,
religion, or the law. Like all major institutions, education is complex
and multi-faceted. The facilitation of lefiming or cognitive develop­
ment is an important part of the process, but education is also a moral,
cultural, political, and economic enterprise.
Recent technological innovations, often promoted in the learning
college literature as a means to improve access to education, provide
educators with new and exciting ways to promote student develop­
ment. But an Internet based curriculum in the community college is
something worth careful consideration, with an eye toward the social
and cultural consequences. In particular, when technology breaks the
bond between citizens and public institutions, we have reason to
question our efforts at reform. In situations where electronic teaching
methods sever the relationship between students and colleges, we
have occasion to pause and consider the costs of our quest to transform
public institutions into service providers for industries and indivi­
duals. In a strong democracy, public institutions do more than merely
serve private interests. According to Robert Bellah and associates
(1991), public institutions like community colleges “are the substantial
forms through which we understand our own identity and the identity
of others as we seek to achieve a decent society” (Bellah, Madsen,
Sullivan, Tipton &amp; Swidler, 1991, p, 16).
There is a growing body of research demonstrating that students
learn effectively, even when isolated from their teachers and peers
(Merisotis &amp; Phipps, 1999). But the process of becoming an educated
person is complicated. However it is defined, the process entails more
than the acquisition of knowledge or skills. To be credentialed as an
educated person means more than mere learning in the cognitive
sense, it includes the development of purpose, integrity, and the fos­
tering of an identity as an active member of a free republic
(Chickering, 1969). Ideally, public higher education has a decidedly
public and social purpose. Unfortunately, in the rush to reduce education
to its most basic utilitarian role, the learning revolution has undermined
the proud and lofty public purpose of the American community college.
The problem becomes more apparent when you consider social
institutions outside education in the same light currently used to view
the two-year school. If one considers institutions like religion, or even
something as central to the American way of life as the neighborhood
barbecue in the terms currently used to describe the community

176

THE LEARNING REVOLUTION IN THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE
In a 1997 publication titled A Learning College for the Twenty-First
Century, Terry O’Banion established the basic tenets of the revolution
in organizational culture that has Literally swept through two-year
schools. The major thesis in the work is that teachers, campuses, and
classrooms all impose unnecessary restrictions on the process of
learning. According to O’Banion, learning has been time-bound, place­
bound, and teacher-bound in traditional institutions (1997). The
efforts of learning advocates are aimed at overthrowing the
time-honored physical and annual structure of education. The main
objective is to free students from what they perceive to be undue
constraints. Therefore, one of the primary goals of the learning college
movement is to make college courses convenient—available any time,
anywhere, even in the comfort of home.
In large part, the emphasis on providing education any time, any­
where has meant a move to establish courses and degree programs on
the Internet (Levin, 2002). The move to distance education and elec­
tronic delivery came as good news to the software corporations that
support interest groups like the League; the learning college concept
fits neatly with the technologically driven corporate training model
favored in the private sector. American industries discovered long ago
that employees can be trained on-line, alone, without an instructor or
a public institution to host the endeavor. However, as two-year schools
moved to aid industries with employee preparation in the 1990s, the
new narrow focus on learning grew at odds with the broader and
higher purpose of the two-year college—education (Brint &amp; Karabel,
1989; Dougherty, 1994; Hanson, 1998).
In the rhetoric of the current revolution, education is reduced to
learning, the institution’s most utilitarian purpose. But at its very
base, the logic of the revolution rests on a conflation of learning with

177

�179

C. M. Hanson

Thuin Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

college, the results are illuminating. For example, church services
suffer some of the same drawbacks as college classes. They are bound
by time, place, even particular pastors or priests. And of course, it is
possible to worship in the convenience of home, any time of the day or
week. Therefore, one might ask, should Americans continue to take
time out of their busy schedules to commune with others while they
worship? Should we launch a revolution to dissuade the American
people from attending churches? The easy answer is no, and the
simple reason is that there is a lot more to being a member of a church
than worship alone; like education, religion is a complex social insti­
tution. Churches create a community where social bonds are estab­
lished, roles are enacted, norms are observed, and values are shared.
The backyard barbecue serves as a similar example. Reduced to its
most practical function, the purpose of a barbecue is to eat. As we
know, the process of eating is not bound by time, place, or a specific
chef. Should Americans continue to gather in backyards all over the
country for the purpose of sharing meals, when everyone knows they
can eat any time, on their own, and in private? The obvious answer is
yes. Americans should continue to gather for neighborhood barbecues
because they are meaningful social and cultural occurrences. There
can be no doubt that Americans attend outdoor barbecues in part to
consume calories, but the institution is much more complicated than
an analysis of its most practical purpose could ever suggest.
With examples like these it is easy to see if we launched a revolution
to reduce other institutions to their most basic utilitarian functions,
and labeled them as such—“worshiping churches” or “eating barbe­
cues” for example—Americans would think it absurd. But in the
community college there have been few questions raised in opposition
to the “learning college” revolution. Over the course of the last two
decades, faculty and staff have made Herculean efforts to ensure that
community college education is convenient for students and amenable
to industry. But convenience and vocational applicability have been
won without reflection on what the changes mean for local commu­
nities, let alone American society.
The establishment and maintenance of community, roles, norms,
and values are rarely ever printed on official church service schedules,
seldom seen on agendas for neighborhood barbecues, and almost never
spelled out on college course syllabi. Even so, these are the very pur­
poses the institutions serve. In fact, the purposes are so central to the
maintenance of society they are woven into the fabric of daily life,
invisible to all but the most thoughtful observers. It takes a reflective
practitioner to uncover and give words to the processes most of us take
part in each day, but take for granted. Dennis McGrath and Martin

Spear are two such practitioners. In a description of the processes at
work in their own classrooms they suggest:

178

Within... classrooms faculty and students encounter and try to under­
stand one another. They negotiate social norms, create forms of knowl­
edge, modify their identities; they make meaning together. (McGrath &amp;
Spear, 1991, p. 5)

Even though these processes cannot be easily reduced to measurable
learning outcomes, they are keys to the process of becoming educated.
They are not described in college mission statements, and they do not
appear on the lists of curricular objectives academic departments
produce to satisfy accrediting agencies. Instead, they are part of every
college’s “hidden curriculum,” the unspoken and often unrecognized
processes that make education a rich, meaningful, contentious, and
rewarding institution (Jackson, 1968; Margolis, 2001).

IT'S NOT WHAT YOU TEACH—IT'S HOW YOU TEACH IT

When I began teaching in the community college I was still a graduate
student finishing coursework of my own. For me the period was one of
great transition. As I made the move from my role as a student to my
new role as a teacher, I was faced with a number of questions. How
would I structure my Introduction to Sociology course? What kind of
assignments would I require? What could I do to shape the tenor of the
discussions I planned to hold in class? As I prepared to meet my first
group of students, questions like these stretched out before me like a
row of hurdles.
In my search for answers to the questions I faced as a new teacher, I
discovered the educational philosophy of John Dewey (1916,1956). For
Dewey, the development of a model teaching practice begins with an
educator’s image of an ideal society. For instance, if we wish to live in a
society where people sit quietly and listen, schools requiring stillness
and silence may be the shortest route to that end. On a similar note, if
we wish to live in a society where people stay home and watch tele­
vision, schools that use television as a vehicle for instruction should
provide a direct avenue to that future. But if we wish to live in a
society where citizens come together in public places to have mean­
ingful conversations about the most compelling issues of the day, then
schools must provide an environment where people can practice the
art of citizenship, in a forum reminiscent of our most democratic
institutions.

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7bwn Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

Years before the phrase had been coined, Dewey was attuned to the
concept of the hidden curriculum (Dewey, 1916; Jackson, 1968). In
short, he suggested the power of education lies as much in the social
process of the classroom as it does in the subject matter outlined in a
text or a set of class notes. As a graduate student, that was easy for me
to believe. In one seminar after another I could see and feel myself
taking part in what were essentially exercises in socialization.
Although I was expected to develop a working body of knowledge,
I was also learning how to think and how to present ideas to others.
I was developing a command of my subject, but I was also coming
to know the protocol of public discourse.
I found the exchanges in my graduate seminars exciting, and as a
beginning teacher I was eager to bring that same level of excitement to
the classes I was now responsible for teaching. In my first Introduction
to Sociology class 1 asked students to research a topic appropriate to
the course, and I required them to present a summary and analysis in
class. I gave them a detailed set of instructions: I asked them to dis­
cuss their author’s central argument, the appropriateness of the
research methods, and I also asked them to talk about the theoretical
underpinnings of the work they chose to review.
But despite careful planning on my part, the assignment was a
flop. On the rare occasion when a student took all of the steps
prescribed in the project, I observed that it nearly always incited
eye rolling and even an occasional snicker from the class. When
students used the terms of academic sociology, terms like “func­
tionalist,” or “symbolic interaction,” it was evidently a sign of caving
in to authority or “sucking up” to me the teacher. At one point, I
actually watched a student mouth the words ‘l5rown-noser” to a
classmate under his breath as a fellow student described an
author’s ideological leanings. That particular incident was enough to
prompt me to explore the literature on teaching and culture in the
community college. I had to know if other two-year college
instructors met with similar resistance to the language and concepts
of academia.
The research on teaching in the community college confirmed that
my experience was part of a broad pattern. Similar classroom
dynamics are documented in the work of authors like Howard London
(1978), Ira Shor (1980), and Dennis McGrath and Martin Spear (1991).
McGrath and Spear suggest, in the community college:

In an ethnographic account of life in an urban two-year school,
Howard London (1977) describes how tension can develop between
teachers and students. He explains, “by stressing the value of intel­
lectual activity... teachers became, in effect, another reminder of
what... students thought to be their own shortcomings” (1977, p. 67).
It is likely for this reason Shor (1980) observes that “students are
suspicious of intellectuals” (p. 29). Clearly, my attempts to draw stu­
dents into a thoughtful academic exchange incited resistance. But for
Shor, the solution to the question of how to overcome the suspicion and
misgivings students bring to the classroom lies in the careful use of
language. In his words, “the ... question is one of linguistic compat­
ibility between teacher and students” (1980, p. 29). Subject matter
aside, teachers and students are immersed in a ritual of culture—the
college class. Terms of engagement are negotiated as part of the ritual,
and social relations in a class unfold according to the norms and roles
mutually established by teachers and students. The norms and roles
established in a course form the foundation on which the learning of a
subject takes place. They are central to the success of the entire
enterprise, but they are hidden in the sense that they are not typically
discussed.
In my own practice I was experimenting, or fumbling as it were,
with the hidden curriculum. In addition to passing on sociology, I was
working to create an environment that would allow students to
observe and take part in a forum where public discourse was the norm;
but I was struggling. The terms and values I brought with me from the
university were a barrier to my success and the success of my stu­
dents. Ethnographic accounts of the community college classroom
confirmed my own professional observations—the language and con­
cepts of the academy were stumbling blocks in my new environment.
Consequently, I started looking for a way to remove the jargon of
academic social science from my conversations with students. Still
faced with the question of how to structure my classes, I began
experimenting with various activities. I called them everything from
“collective reviews” to “collegial discussions,” but I met with very little
success. It was clear I needed a more colloquial title and a more prosaic
format for the classroom environment I was trying to create.
Ironically, in this case, as a teacher, I was the one being socialized.
The classroom ritual exerts a powerful force on both students and
teachers—shaping and molding attitudes and actions. 1 was looking
for a way to create an environment that would foster student beha­
viors that matched my expectations for rigor and participation, but
ultimately my methods had to be delivered on their terms. Finally, I
settled on the format of the New England town hall meeting. What

180

Students and teachers appear to disagree about the most basic, most
mundane features of the classroom, as well as the larger vision of the
nature and purpose of education. (McGrath &amp; Spear, 1991, p. 5)

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Tbwn Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

could be more American? What method could be better suited to an
institution considered democracy’s college?

I ask them to think about the data presented and whether it is reliable
or valid, and I also ask them to reflect on their reading and prepara­
tion. I make a point to ask students about their original positions; I
ask them to talk about whether their research either confirmed or
challenged their prior convictions.
In addition to completing the form I provide, students are required
to prepare a set of talking points. Ground rules for the discussion
require students to prepare a detailed set of notes for their part on the
city council, but the rules also specify their part cannot be so detailed
that it reads like a script. I show students 3-4 examples of talking
points in class, prepared on a range of subjects. From there, students
are free to use the format that suits their interests and their articles.
As for the meetings themselves, I ask the city council members to sit
as part of a panel in the front of the classroom. We determine an order
or progression prior to the start with a logical beginning, middle, and
end. Once the council begins sharing their information, the remaining
students are free to ask questions or make comments. In fact, students
are required to participate in the meetings. They earn a point per
meeting by either making a comment or raising a question. In the
past, I asked students to mark their participation by placing Post-it
notes on their desks (Hanson, 2000). Today I allow students to keep
track of their own participation on the honor system; they fill out a
checklist I provide them at the beginning of the semester. Over the
course of the last year I have had considerable success with this
method and very little incidence of fraud. With very few exceptions,
students have been forthright when keeping a record of their own
participation.

182

TOWN HALL MEETING AS TEACHING METHOD

As of this writing, I have been conducting town hall meetings in lower
division sociology courses for six semesters. Tb start, I provide stu­
dents with a general overview of the assignment, complete with a brief
description of each stage involved (see Appendix A). In the first phase
of the activity, students determine the 5—8 topics to be discussed in
class. I allow them 15-20 minutes to brainstorm a list of potential
topics on Post-it notes, in groups of 4-5. When students have had
ample time to generate ideas, I circulate among the groups, announce
each topic to the class, and ask the others to remove duplicated topics
from their lists. When through, we have one set of Post-it notes, with
one distinct topic written on each note.
Next, we assemble the notes on a table near the front of the room
and I distribute three small adhesive dots to every student in class. I
explain each dot is a vote, and during the next stage of the activity
every person casts three votes. Students vote by placing dots on
the Post-it note(8) and topic(s) of their choice. In the end, I tally the
number of dots per subject, and the top vote-winning issues are
the ones we discuss.
After topics are determined, typically the following class period, we
hold a drawing to decide which city council each student will serve on
and, in effect, which subjects they will study. The city councils are
made up of 4—5 students, so I fill out 4—5 slips of paper for each topic.
On each slip of paper there is an issue and a date. Once I assemble
enough slips of paper for each topic, they all go into a hat (I keep a tengallon cowboy hat in my office for this purpose). I bring the hat to
class, and from it students choose their topics and the date of the
meeting where they serve on the city council. This element of seren­
dipity gives students incentive to take the selection of topics seriously;
they know in advance they may be required to research any one of the
top vote-winning issues.
When we have a city council committed to each subject, I provide
students with a form on which to keep a record of their research
activities (see Appendix B). Students are required to bring a minimum
of two sources to the table when it comes time for them to share their
knowledge with the class. The worksheet contains space for biblio­
graphic information on each source, along with three questions I
expect students to answer during the meetings. I ask them to think
about their authors and whether there is any bias from the source.

ASSESSMENT
As evidenced in an evaluation survey I conducted for three consecutive
semesters, students appear to be comfortable with the town hall for­
mat; it seems the meetings afford them an opportunity to think and
grow (see Table 1). From an educational standpoint, students affirm
that in-class town meetings challenge them to think critically and
creatively. Students also claim the activity helps build their capacity to
analyze research; in large part I suspect that is true because the
assignment requires them to study a subject in depth. In addition,
from a social and political standpoint, the meetings provide a com­
fortable forum for students to practice participation in a public sphere,
both as speakers and listeners.
One shortcoming of the evaluation research I have conducted to
date is that it is based on an attitudinal survey as opposed to a direct

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C. M. HaA»on

Tbwn Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

TABLE 1 Student Perceptions of Tbwn Hall Meetings, Fall 2000-FalI 2001

meetings stand to make good on the promise of democracy’s college.
The format mirrors the structure and social relations found in our
most democratic institutions.

lbwn hall meetings

Mean

Percent “agree”
or
“strongly agree”

Were a good way for me to participate in
class discussions.
Helped me learn how to analyze research.
Were a chance to listen to a wide range
of views.
Were a good opportunity to practice public
speaking in a comfortable setting.
Allowed me to see the political side of
social problems.
Encouraged me to think creatively about
current events.
Encouraged me to think critically about
current events.
Were a good way to study a subject in
depth.

4.40

04.00

124

4.07
4.48

84.00
95.00

124
125

4.28

90.40

125

4.16

90.40

125

4.24

90.40

125

4.27

91.13

124

4.23

87.90

124

AT of
evaluation

ATote: Perceptions range from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree.

measure of student performance. From the data I collected I am
comfortable concluding that students epjoy town hall meetings, and I
am also confident their reports of having learned were given in
earnest. But further research is necessary in order to draw broader
conclusions about the social, political, or educational value of the town
hall meeting as a teaching method. This is an area where a perfor­
mance-based measure of creativity, critical thinking, or problem­
solving skills could be applied. More important, future research has to
focus on the long-term effects of taking part in a series of town hall
meetings. Currently, questions remain—are students more likely to
attend city or county functions after taking part in classroom-based
town meetings? Are they more likely to vote? Do the meetings inspire
a life-long interest in political affairs? A program of longitudinal
research is the only means by which questions such as these can be
addressed.
Still, from data collected both formally and informally, I can say
with confidence the town hall format is a desirable way to structure
the community college classroom. In my own discipline, sociology, the
town hall forum lends itself to the subject matter. But the format could
easily be adapted for use in other fields: nursing, biology, English,
accounting, or even math. Anywhere they are practiced, town

185

CONCLUSION

The learning revolution and learning college culture have made it
difficult for teachers to challenge the conceit that education is a
business, learning is a product, and measurable outcomes are more
valuable than the quality of the process by which students are edu­
cated. The debates over the social role of two-year schools and the best
means to embody the spirit of democracy’s college seem over, at least
for the time being. But in retrospect, the historic debate over the role
and mission of the community college never had much to do with
democracy. Critics of the community college were concerned that twoyear schools lacked the potential to create upward economic mobility
for the American working class (Zwerling, 1976). Generally speaking,
advocates of the two-year school acknowledged the colleges could not
ensure class mobility, but they maintained the schools provide ave­
nues for individual success (Cohen &amp; Brawer, 1982). Even in the age
when scholars had the courage to question the role of two-year schools,
the debate was focused solely on the question of whether or not the
community college could help create a more egalitarian society.
Despite all of the rhetoric about the democratization of higher edu­
cation, and even despite the title—democracy’s college—scholars
have yet to considered the role of the community college in the creation
and maintenance of a strong democracy.
In the classic. How College Affects Students, Ernest Pascarella and
Patrick Terenzini (1991) reviewed more than 2,600 research projects
aimed at understanding the social, economic, political, moral, and
psychological impact of attending a college. They only uncovered one
study of political engagement and social responsibility among twoyear college students, and it was unpublished (Marks, 1990). The
study suggested “two-year college attendance is negatively related to
changes in social responsibility” (Pascarella &amp; Terenzini, 1991, p. 300).
Apart from research aimed specifically at community colleges, the
most comprehensive source of data on undergraduate student atti­
tudes and values is the annual Freshman National Norms survey
conducted by the staff of the Higher Education Research Institute
(HERD at the University of California, Los Angeles. Reporting on the
2001 survey for the Chronicle of Higher Education, Alex Kellog notes,
“political engagement among college freshmen has reached an all-time
low... only 28 percent of entering college students reported an

�C. M. Hanson

7bu/n Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

interest in keeping up to date with political affairs, the lowest level
since the survey was established in 1966” (2001, p. A47). Unfortu­
nately, two-year college freshmen were not included as part of the
sample in either the 2000 or 2001 surveys. According to \^vian
Deluna, HERI staff member, “The number of two-year colleges parti­
cipating ... dropped gradually since the late 19808 with an increasing
turnover in the two-year colleges that participate” (Vivian Delna,
personal communication, October 17, 2001)

start taking the risks Cohen and Brawer cautioned us against. By the
early 1990s, capitalism had demonstrated itself to be global in its
scope and influence. But at the same time, it is also argued that
democracy stands “on trial” (Elshtain, 1993). The free enterprise
system gains new devotees every day around the globe, while Amer­
ican democracy withers on the vine, strangled by low voter turnout
and campaign finance largesse.
It is time for those who call democracy’s college their professional
home to start taking democracy seriously. As public servants, com­
munity college teachers have an obligation to address the shifting
mission of the two-year school toward serving global economic inter­
ests, at the expense of the institution’s role in local affairs. As edu­
cators, two-year college teachers have a responsibility to counter the
trend toward political disengagement among students. As a teaching
method, town hall meetings hold the potential to address both con­
cerns. Future research on the social and political role of the two-year
school may uncover still better means to ensure the community college
is equal to the task of supporting and advancing American democracy.

186

The combination of these factors has resulted in ever-larger cell weights
being applied to the two-year college data and increased the possibility of
non-random variation in the overall national norms. (Sax, Astin, Kom,
&amp; Mahoney, 2000, p. 113)

The absence of two-year college students from the Freshman
National Norms survey is an unfortunate development. But prior data
suggests, had two-year college students been included, their level of
interest in politics would have fallen short of the national average. In
1999, the last year community college students were included in the
study, 20.7% of two-year college freshmen considered keeping up to
date with political affairs important or very important; hardly a
glowing endorsement for an institution described as democracy’s col­
lege (Sax, Astin, Hom, &amp; Mahoney, 1999).
To address the alarming level of political apathy on two-year college
campuses, educators are going to have to take a more direct approach
to fostering the quality of mind that makes effective citizens. As a
teaching method, town hall meetings are a start. They are a means to
reassert the community college’s social and political roles; roles that
have been under attack for more than two decades. The current
learning revolution not withstanding, even in the early eighties there
were signs that community colleges were being transformed into taxsupported training sites for multi-national corporations. In a prescient
history of two-year schools, Cohen and Brawer (1982) offered an early
eulogy for the community college’s broader role in society and a pre­
view of the current emphasis on what they consider the college’s main
purpose—workforce development:
Each time the colleges act as social welfare agencies or modem Chautauquas, they run the risk of reducing the support they must have if they
are to pursue their main purpose. (Cohen &amp; Brawer, 1982, p. 282)

The data I collected as part of my search for a promising classroom
structure suggest it is time for community college professionals to

187

REFERENCES
Adelman, C. (1992). The way we are: The community college as American thermometer.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education.
Barr, R. B., &amp; Tagg, J. (1995). From teaching to learning—a new paradigm for tinder­
graduate education. Change, 6, 12-25.
Bellah, R. et al. (1985). Habits of the heart: Individualism and commitment in American
life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Bellah, R. et al. (1991). The good society. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Brint, S., &amp; Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: Community colleges and the promise
of educational opportunity in America, 1900-1985. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Chickering, A. (1969). Education and identity. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Clark, B. (1960). The cooling out function in higher education. American Journal of
Sociology, 6, 569—576.
Clark, B. (1980). The cooling out function revisited. New Directions for Community
Colleges. 4, 15-32.
Cohen, A., &amp; Brawer, F. (1982). The American community college. San Francisco: JosaeyBass.
Dewey, J. (1916). Education and democracy. New York: Macmillan.
Dewey, J. (1956). Philosophy of education. Ames, lA: Littlefield, Adams, and Co.
Diekhoff, J. (1950). Democracy’s college: Higher education in the local community. New
York: Harper and Brothers.
Dougherty, K. (1994). The contradictory college: The conflicting origins, impacts, and
futures of the community college. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Elshtain, J. (1993). Democracy on trial. New York: Basic Books.

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Frye, J. (1994). Educational paradigms in the professional literature on community
colleges. In J. Smart (Ed) The Higher Education: Handbook of Theory and Research.
Vol. X. pp. 181-224. NY: Agathon.
Gleazer, E. (1981). The community college: values, vision , vitality. Washington, DC:
American Association of Community and Junior (Colleges.
Griffith, M., &amp; Connor, A. (1994). Democracy's open door: The community college in
America's future. Portsmouth, NH: Boynton-Cook Publishers.
Hanson, C. (1996). Democracy’s college: A case study of social processes in an urban
community college. Dissertation Abstracts International (University Microfilms No.
9720619).
Hanson, C. (1998). From teaching to learning: Are we still educating students? The
Teaching Professor, 8, 1.
Hanson, C. (2000). Silence and structure in the classroom: From seminar to town
meeting via Post-its. The National Teaching and Learning Forum, 6, 1-4.
Jackson, P. (1968). Life in classrooms. New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston.
Karabel, J. (1972). (Community colleges and social stratification. Harvard Educational
Review, 4, 521-561.
Kellog, A. (2001). Looking inward, freshman care less about politics and more about
money. Chronicle of Higher Education, 3, A47.
Levin, J. (2001). Globalising the community college: Strategies for change in the twenty^
first century. New York: Palgrave.
Levin, J. (2002). Global culture and the community college. Community College Journal
of Research and Practice, 26, 121-145.
London, H. 1978. The Culture of a Community College. New York: Praeger.
Margolis, E. editor. 2001. The Hidden Curriculum in Higher Education. New York:
Routledge.
Marks, H. (1990). The college experience: Differential gender effects on the development of
social responsibility. Paper Presented at the American Educational Research Asso­
ciation. Boston, MA.
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Merisotis, J., &amp; Phipps, R. (1999). What’s the difference? Change, 3, 12-17.
McGrath, D., &amp; Spear, M. (1991). The academic crisis of the community college. Albany:
State University of New York Press.
O’Banion, T. (1997). A learning college for the 21st century. Phoenix: Oryx Press.
O*Banion, T. (1998a). The learning revolution: Perched at the millennium. Community
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O’Banion, T. (1998b). The center of the learning revolution. Community College WeeA, 4,
24-26.
Pascarella, E., &amp; 'Ibrenzini, P. (1991). How college affects students. San Francisco:
Jossey-Bass.
Pincus, F. (1980). The false promise of community colleges: Class conflict and vocational
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Rhoads, R., &amp; Valadez, J. (1996). Democracy, multiculturalism and the community col­
lege. New York: Garland.
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Sax, L. (2000). The American freshman: National norms for Fall 2000. Los Angeles:
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McGraw-Hill.

Tbwn Hall Meeting as Teaching Method

189

APPENDIX A
Town Hall Meetings
Differences of opinion lead to inquiry and inquiry to truth.
Thomas Jefferson

Objective
The objective of the Town Hall assignment is to explore how issues in
criminology are understood from different standpoints.

Steps

1. Research the issue/Find the debate: Each person needs to find
two articles that approach the issue from different perspectives.
Hint—it is best to review a few different articles so that you can be
sure you get two good ones. You can certainly use more than two.
2. Organize your information: Complete the discussion work­
sheet.
3. Create a list of “talking points:** You should have a list of the
main ideas you want to convey along with questions you’d like to
raise.
4. Prepare your thoughts: Practice the discussion with your
partner/s.
5. Present and support your ideas/Listen to the views of
others (In class).
6. Make a decision: As a class we summarize the best arguments
from the different points of view. Then, we decide which position is
more just, ethical, accurate, or appropriate.
7. Turn in your written work

Helpful Tips

1. Avoid thinking of a discussion as a win-lose proposition. Focus on
coming to the best decision possible, not necessarily on winning.
2. Confirm other’s competence while you disagree with them or
challenge their points.
3. Criticize ideas and not people.
4. Separate your identity from criticism of your ideas.
5. Listen to everyone, even if you do not agree with their ideas.

�190

C. M. Hanson

Community College Journal of Research and Pnctice, 27: 191-201. 2003

t

i

cc

Copyright © 2003 Taylor &amp; Frands
1066-8926/03 112.00 +.00

APPENDIX B

DOI: 10.1080/10668920390128843

Town Hail Meeting Worksheet
Topic :
Article 1:
Author :
Source:
Date:

Article 2 :
Author :
Source:
Date:

The author’s background:

The author’s background:

Is there any bias from the
source or author?

Is there any bias from the source
or author?

Was the information valid and reliable—or—were the research meth­
ods appropriate?

Did the article change your view or support the one you already had?
TALKING POINTS (use your own paper &amp; turn in with this page as a
cover sheet)

CAREER CONCERNS OF DISPLACED WORKERS
IN VOCATIONAL TRAINING

T. Ross Owen
Trey J. Fitch
Morehead State University, Morehead, Kentucky, USA

The purpose of this study was to identify the career concerns of displaced workers
in vocational training. Participants completed the Vocational Identity Scale of My
Vocational Situation. There were 83 completed questionnaires for a response rate
of 100%. Descriptive data and chi-square tests were calculated. Results indicate
that students were most concerned about identifying potential career possibilities.
Career counseling implications and recommendations are discussed.

The 1990s in America were characterized by rising corporate profits
and falling unemployment rates (Rocha, 2001). Americans were
prospering economically. “But there was a large segment of the labor
force plagued by declining and stagnant wages, involuntary and parttime employment, and decreasing job security” (Rocha, 2001, p. 53).
Due to an increase in companies which shifted all or part of their
production offshore to lower wage countries, American manufacturing
companies lost more than 2 million jobs (Mishel, Bernstein, &amp; Schmitt,
1997). “Dislocated workers may face higher stresses than other
unemployed workers because of lost earning potential but also because
of the lost career identity and the higher emotional investment they
may have had in their former positions” (Mallinckrodt &amp; Bennett,
1992, p. 482).
This shift in the American manufacturing sector has presented
community colleges with important new challenges regarding the
career concerns of displaced workers. The displaced worker is defined
as a “person on layoff with a stable employment history who has little

Address correspondence to T. Ross Owen, Assistant Professor of Adult &amp; Higher
Education, Morehead State University, 503 Ginger Hall, Morehead, KY 40361.
E-mail: r.owen@morehead8tate.edu

191

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                    <text>Woikifig Class Glass
Chad Hanson

By the time I tried fly fishing for the first time, it was the early 1990s, and
by that point the fly rod had been through three transformations. Since
the 1800s, fly rods had been built with split canes of bamboo. Then in
the 1970s, we began to fashion them from spun glass fibers. But glass fell
out of favor ten years later, and our staffs of fiberglass were replaced by
graphite sticks. With the exception of a bamboo rod I received as a
Christmas gift, graphite was all I knew, and I didn’t question it too much.
I was comfortable with the status quo. That is, until eight years ago.
1 was struck by a notion in the spring of’97. As pan of the process of
courting my would-be wife, it occurred to me that I ought to buy my lady
friend Lynn a fly rod. We were living in northern Wisconsin, surrounded
by cold water and brook trout. I was spending more than my share of
time chasing fish, and I figured if my plans for a wedding were going to
work out, I’d better involve Lynn.

The shopping ritual began, as it often does, at a high-end fly fishing
specialty shop in an upscale part of town. 1 was happy to drool over their
elegant rods and reels, but the prices were out of my range, so I drove to a
popular sporting goods warehouse. I saw some possibilities in the stadium
store, but the atmosphere wasn’t great. I’m big on ambience, and the retail
arena didn’t feel right.
That left me with one option. Like most towns in the Midwest, our
city was home to a lonely bait and tackle shop set in an unseemly
neighborhood, where weathered paint, sagging roofs, and broken windows
were the norm. I drove past the store each day on my way to work. I
thought, “Why not?”
Cobwebs were the main feature of the interior design, and to
complement the webs there were aluminum landing nets hanging from
the walls. In the middle of the shop, there were piles of crank baits, pork
rinds, and spinning lures stacked on slouching sheet-metal shelves. A row
of live wells shaped like laundry tubs lined one side of the room, and a
quick stroll past the tubs revealed a plethora of animals: leeches, shiners,
crawdads, and a few things I didn’t recognize, all of them waiting for the

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�day when they’d be impaled and then flung into one of the neighboring
lakes.
Behind the counter sat a man who struck me as an identical twin to
the person in the THIS IS WHAT YOU’LL LOOK LIKE IF YOU SMOKE
CIGARETTES poster, the one the American Lung Association used to scare
children in the 1970s. His hair was disheveled and oily; his face was lined
with creases you couldn’t put in your pants if you tried; there were bags
under his eyes like kangaroo pouches, and his lips were permanently
pursed to accept the ubiquitous cancer stick. Less than an arm’s length
away, there sat a black plastic ashtray, buried under a mound of sickly
orange butts.
“How goes it?” he bellowed.
“Not bad,” I said, thinking, I better make this fest.
“What can I do for you?”
“I’m looking for a fly rod. A gift. Something for my lady-friend.”
“Fly rod?” He looked puzzled. “No fly rods. Used to carry 'em. I don’t
know what happened. Folks stopped askin’ for ‘em I guess.”
While he thought about his customers’ buying habits, I perused the
only rack of rods in the shop. It was a tight mess of dust-covered spinning
gear: Ugly Sticks, ABU-Garcias, and foam-handled Berkely Avengers. But
to our mutual surprise, at the far end of it all, there stood a marigold
yellow fly rod. It was a six-foot, five-weight, Eagle Claw “Sweetheart,”
complete with a little red heart-shaped symbol stamped near the book­
keeper.
I plucked the rod from the rack and gave it the old retail waggle. It
was the first time I’d ever laid hands on a fiberglass fly rod. It was more
flexible than the graphite I was used to. I was intrigued, but the rod wasn’t
for me, and I knew the details of its construction weren’t going to matter
anyhow. I knew a technical explanation of rod materials and their
qualities wouldn’t inspire Lynn, but I had a feeling the heart-shaped
symbol might pique her interest. Three minutes and twenty-four dollars
later, I was headed for the door with the Sweetheart under my arm.
It wasn’t graphite. It wasn’t the latest or the best. It wasn’t a bamboo
classic or a classic of any kind. Even so, I had a hunch the yellow rod
would make Lynn happy, and at home my intuition was confirmed. She
loved it. At this point, she didn’t know much about fly rods, but that
didn’t make any difference. The gesture was not about fishing or tackle.
This was a way to create common ground. The little yellow stick was a
perfect excuse for us to spend time together in the woods.
I bought the sweetheart early in the spring. That meant we had the

�whole summer to ply the waters of Wisconsin. We fished the Wolf River,
the Prairie, the Plover, and the Peshtigo. We fished lakes by canoe, and we
fished a few icy cold spring ponds reminiscent of the glaciers that once
covered the area. We caught fish everywhere we went, but mostly we
reveled in the warmth and freedom of long summer days spent with
brook trout in our midst.
I’ll be honest, though, the warmth and freedom were more important
to Lynn than the brookies. By the end of the season, after a few token
casts, she’d slip back onto shore to look for brightly colored rocks or the
perfect pinecone. Lynn didn’t take to fishing like I thought she might, but
we were together, we were outside, and that was really the whole point.
Besides, since she wasn’t that excited about angling, I knew she wouldn’t
mind if I borrowed the Sweetheart when I fished the Tortoise Shell River.
The Tortoise Shell is a classic Midwestern stream. Its headwaters lie
in the tamarack swamps and muskeg bogs of the North Woods, and its
lower stretches run through rolling hills pocked by dairy farms and hardy
fields of corn, barley, and wheat.
Like neighboring Minnesota and Michigan, Wisconsin was once
covered by white pine and hemlock trees, so tall and thick toward the top
they formed a canopy over the land. The canopy shielded the ground
from sunlight, and the arrangement created a park-like setting where a
person could amble through ancient forests unobstructed by brush.
The lumber barons oversaw the wholesale removal of those trees in
the 1800s. Thankfully, the forests have returned. But they’re not the same.
They’re thick. In some places they’re downright impenetrable, and they
cover the hills and valleys beside many of my favorite streams, including
the Tortoise Shell, where the forest envelopes the river in a tube of tangled
branches and leaves. It is no place for a nine-foot fly rod.
With Lynn’s permission, I started packing the Sweetheart on trips to
the Tortoise Shell. It was the rod’s diminutive length that appealed to me
at first, but it was the feel that made me wish the Sweetheart was longer
and more useful on lakes or in wide-open spaces. It was the bend and
sway, the graceful manner of the glass, that made me wish all my rods had
the same laid-back disposition.
I grew fond of the little Sweetheart, but there were limits to the affair.
It was too short for all but the most tree-snarled creeks. In addition, it
was marigold yellow from tip to reel seat, and it was embossed with a
heart-shaped symbol. I wasn’t about to jump out of my truck, open the
topper, and expose the Sweetheart in front of my macho fishing friends. I
would have been the laughing stock of Langlade County. So there I was,

(bill

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�falling in love with fiberglass, but it was a clandestine affair, limited to
solo trips on wood-choked streams where I cast the glass in secrecy.

We left the Midwest before I had a chance to look for an eight- or
nine-foot fiberglass rod without the girly moniker. In the summer of
2001, Lynn and I sold our furniture, rented a trailer for our books and
clothes, and struck out for Casper, Wyoming. I had accepted a post on
the faculty at Casper College.
We were excited about the move for a number of reasons, but
Wyoming is a long way from Wisconsin in more than just miles. There
would be no more quiet casts to brook trout poised in soft rippling
streams or calm spring ponds. I realized, if I was going to fish in my new
setting, I was going to fish big, strapping rivers—the North Platte in
particular.
Wyoming is home to a wide range of waters, but in Casper, the
North Platte River is the only game in town. Its a good game. If you had
to choose one body of water to have close to home, it might be the Platte.
There are tailwater sections close to town, and the river supports healthy
populations of both rainbows and browns, some of whom are giants.
Unfortunately, there was nothing in my arsenal of three- and four-weight
brook trout rods that would help me catch fish in Casper. I didn’t have
the right equipment, and I was unfamiliar with the technique of fishing
weighted flies underwater, a method called “nymphing,” standard practice
on rivers in the West.
Luckily, the historian Thomas Renn took me under his wing early in
my first season. For Tom, fishing is a form of scholarship. He approaches
the selection of flies and the rigging of rods the same way he approaches
source documents penned in the seventeenth century. He brings the keen
eye and mindset of a well-trained academic to the process. Since I tend to
approach fly fishing the same way 1 approach a Sunday game of Frisbee in
the park, we’re perfect partners. He brings all the knowledge and
equipment that we need to catch fish, I bring beer.
On our first outing, I brought a six-pack of Amber Bock and the
strongest rod I owned—an eight-foot, four-weight. When we found our
spot beside the river, we started gearing up. Tom handed me a strike
indicator and two split-shot sinkers. I thought, “Sinkers and bobbers?” I
asked myself, “Can this be right?”
Along with the sinkers and a strike indicator, Tom gave me some
good advice about mending line and managing a drag-free drift, but I
didn’t listen. I was so baffled by the prospect of hurling the lead and foam

H11 i 11

75

�menagerie back and forth with my four-weight noodle rod, I couldn’t
think of anything other than my equipment and the unlikelihood of
catching a fish with the outfit. Truth be told, I didn’t catch a single fish. I
watched Tom land three brawling rainbows, and I was happy to give him
a hand with the net, but I was clearly not onboard. I needed a stronger fly
rod, and I also needed to read and think about fishing with nymphs, so I
could understand what I was trying to accomplish out there on the Plane.

The reading came first. A trip to the county library turned up an
early edition of Ed Engle’s Fly Fishing the Tailwaters, and also a copy of
Ffy Fishing the North Platte River by Rod Walinchus. Both are excellent.
With time, I came to understand the feeding patterns of our local
salmonids, and at some point I finally accepted the proverb passed down
by old-timers at fly shops in the area, “On the Platte, the trout don’t ever
look up.” I bought a plastic dispenser full of split-shot sinkers, and I
started leaving my dry flies at home.
With respect to a rod, I garnered advice from everyone I could think
of that had ever caught a fish on the North Platte River, and the counsel
was consistent. The consensus was that I needed a nine-foot, six- or seven­
weight rod, with brands and models ranging from the moderately priced
graphite, to not-on-a-teacher’s-salary, not-if-you-want-to-stay-married. I
took the suggestions of all the fly fishers I knew, but even as I listened to
veteran casters extol the virtues of graphite technology, I kept harking
back to my days on the Tortoise Shell, Sweetheart in hand. In the end I
was determined—it had to be glass.
Without further contemplation, I called Clark Davis of Pleasant
Prairie, Wisconsin. Clark is regionally famous for his collection of vintage
bamboo rods, but I knew from his website that he held onto a handful of
old fiberglass rods as well. In fact, at the time we talked, he had a ninefoot, six-weight rod he was willing to part with. “Perfect,” I thought to
myself. It was a custom job—black fiberglass blank, half-wells grip, and
gold-wrapped guides. He didn’t know the rod builder, and he wasn’t sure
which company rolled the blank, but I like a little mystery, and the price
was right, so I bought it.
Roughly one month after my first fly fishing trip in Wyoming, the
rod I call “Black Bart” arrived at my doorstep. It was a Tuesday, and by
Wednesday afternoon Tom and I found a few hours to fish the Platte. As
usual, I watched him fight and land three of Casper’s finest.
I was anxious to catch my first rainbow on the river, so I studied
Tom’s technique. The uncanny thing about his approach, the thing that

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�took the longest time for me to understand, was the curt and concise
nature of his casts. Tom drifts his flies three feet in front of where he
stands. Through the eyes of a brook trout fisherman, the strategy borders
on the absurd. For years I’d been making long casts to mistrustful little
brookies who were frightened by any sign of motion on the stream. But
North Platte rainbows don’t mind if you steal their turf. They don’t even
mind if you stand beside them in the current. The water’s heavy green tint
blurs their vision, and given the raw number of fly fishers on the river,
fish accept anglers as features of their environment. I began reciting a
mantra: “There are no brook trout in the North Platte.”
Over the course of the afternoon, I practiced the skills I watched Tom
use successfully, but at the end of the day I was fishless and feeling low.
The sun started setting and I stopped thinking about trout. The color of
the sage-covered hills at dusk lulled me into a prairie-river daze, and it was
from this trancelike state that I watched my strike indicator slip below the
surface at the end of a long, slow drift. It took a moment for the strike to
register, but when it did my instincts flew to my forearms and I pulled up
on Black Bart.
I was bound to a leaping, plunging, hard-running, Platte River
rainbow. The rod bucked and heaved as the fish used its length as a lever
in the current. The glass gave enough to keep my tippet from breaking,
but the rod’s backbone was strong. The fish eventually tired, and after a
five-minute battle I brought the proud silver pugilist to the net—my first
fish on the North Platte River—courtesy of a modest old fiberglass rod,
made by somebody I’ll never know, and purchased for less than the cost
of a meal at a Chinese restaurant.
I understand old fiberglass rods aren’t for everyone. Their charm is
subtle. It takes a mischievous streak to appreciate their qualities. For
instance, if you occasionally call your rod a “pole” in front of your
highbrow fishing friends, just to watch them squirm, you’re a candidate
for glass. If you drive a Lincoln Navigator, but wish you still owned the
Volkswagen bus you sold because it wasn’t practical, you could easily
aspire to a vintage fiberglass rod.
Let’s face it, old glass rods are the Volkswagen vans of the fly fishing
world. They’re not Ferraris or Land Rovers. They’re not fast or responsive,
but in upscale cars and trucks, the vehicle is the focus of the drive. You
pay more attention to the car than you pay to the world outside. In a
Volkswagen van, it is the scenery that matters. Likewise, with a fiberglass
rod in hand it’s all about the water, the fish, your friends, and the sun
sinking under the horizon, casting memorable shadows on the day.

H u s 11

77

�For what it’s worth, in this era of uptight, high-priced, nose-in-the-air
angling gear. I’m going to keep carrying honest, understated fiberglass
rods to the river. It’s the best way I have found to soothe my trout-andcold-clean-river-loving soul.

t 1 i
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I

i

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