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                  <text>Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 33: 985-994, 2009
Copyright © Taylor &amp; Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1066-8926 print/1521-0413 online
DOI: 10.1080/10668920701831316

Routledge
Taylor &amp; Francis Croup

THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE BACCALAUREATE: AN
HISTORIC AND CULTURAL IMPERATIVE

Chad Hanson

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Department of Sociology, Casper College, Casper, Wyoming, USA

In this article, the debate over the community college baccalaureate is
placed in the context of both political culture and the history of public
education. Bachelor's degree programs are discussed from the standpoint
of their contribution to civic life, and a case is made that academicallyinclined colleges are crucial to fostering a public sphere marked by
engagement and participation.

The community college is standing at the apex of a curve that turns
up into the high country of academia. Recently, governing bodies
in Utah, Texas, Florida, Nevada, and Arkansas passed legislation
granting formerly two-year schools the right to confer the baccalau­
reate (Floyd, Skolnick, &amp; Walker, 2005). But despite the growing
level of acceptance, four-year programs have engendered a debate
among scholars, trustees, and lawmakers. The baccalaureate has both
ardent supporters (Walker, 2001; Martin &amp; Samels, 2001; McKinney,
2003; Garmon, 2004; Samels &amp; Martin, 2004) and a group of critics
committed to questioning the place of four-year degrees in commu­
nity colleges (Wattenbarger, 2000; Eaton, 2005; Townsend, 2005;
Campbell, 2005). Schools interested in creating bachelor’s programs
are praised for the attempt to serve students by new means, but at
the same time they are also condemned as status-seekers, stepping
out of place in the postsecondary hierarchy.

Address correspondence to Chad Hanson, Casper College, Department of Sociology,
Casper, WY 82601. E-mail: chanson@caspercollege.edu

985

�986

C. Hanson

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THE DEBATE OVER THE BACCALAUREATE

The debate over whether community colleges can or should develop
baccalaureate programs takes place primarily in journalistic forums
such as The Chronicle of Higher Education and Community College
Week. Thus far, questions have been raised with respect to whether
baccalaureate programs are cost prohibitive (Eaton, 2005),
whether they limit access to other educational services (Levin,
2004), whether community colleges are capable of providing quality
upper-division courses (Wattenbarger, 2000), or whether four-year
programs signal a shift of institutional identity (Townsend, 2005).
Within the past 30 years, a small group of scholars raised larger
questions about the role of the community college in society
(Zwerling, 1976; Pincus, 1980; Brint &amp; Karabel, 1989; Dougherty,
1994; Rhoads &amp; Valdez, 1996). But the current debate over the
baccalaureate centers on practical concerns related to questions
about whether bachelor’s-degree-granting colleges promote work­
force development or contribute to students’ economic well-being.
Critics of the move toward the baccalaureate suggest that degrees
granted from community colleges are likely to be seen as secondclass, thereby hindering graduates in the job market (Wattenbarger,
2000; Eaton, 2005), but the foundation of the claim is untenable.
Associate degrees and short-term certificates suffer an even greater
lack of prestige in relation to bachelor’s degrees from four-year
institutions, and low status did not keep community colleges from
successfully building and maintaining a wide range of subbaccalaure­
ate programs. On one hand, it is difficult to see why low status should
keep them from offering bachelor’s degrees. On the other hand, it is
fair to assume that status matters to students and employers. But if
status is the issue, then the baccalaureate represents a chance for
community colleges to rise up alongside well-respected institutions.
In contrast to critics, advocates champion four-year programs on
the basis of the value they stand to generate in the workplace
(McKee, 2005). Supporters even suggest that community colleges
should develop an “applied” or “workforce” bachelor’s degree,
tailored to the specific and ephemeral needs of corporations, and
unmoored from the practices associated with “academic pedagogy”
(Walker &amp; Floyd, 2005, p. 96). Generally speaking, the arguments
for and against the baccalaureate both turn on the question of
whether the degree can serve as a vehicle for economic growth or
personal mobility.
It is only when the conversation turns to the subject of institutional
mission that one finds a discussion of the social roles community

�Community College Baccalaureate

987

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[Hanson, Chad] At: 19:39 17 November 2009

colleges fulfill. Supporters and critics alike question the effect of the
baccalaureate on the schools’ overarching purpose, but critics stress
this side of the argument. For example, one of the strongest objections
to four-year programs is expressed when critics press the charge of
“mission creep” (Mills, 2003). A small cadre of authors is concerned
that colleges may shift attention and resources to bachelor’s programs
as they become more commonplace. In the process, they imply that col­
leges may neglect or short-change students that are uninterested in or
deemed unfit for the baccalaureate. On this note, Levin issued a caveat:
As long as the baccalaureate community college offers programs...
such as special education programs for the mentally challenged, high
school completion, and General Equivalency Diplomas (GED), and
certificate vocational programs including welding, automotive, pipe­
fitter, small appliance repair, and the like—then they will carry with
them their traditional community college identity, which highlights
open access and a comprehensive curriculum. (2004, p. 19)

Although a concern for underprivileged groups lies at the founda­
tion of Levin’s attempt to remind community college staff of their
duties, it should be noted that the school’s traditional identity was
neither vocational nor comprehensive. It is true that the colleges were
originally meant to serve groups that found it difficult to access
higher education, but historically, community colleges served the pur­
pose of offering the freshman and sophomore years of bachelor’s
degrees. Roksa explains, “Community colleges originated as transfer
institutions, with the majority of students participating in a four-year
college preparatory curriculum” (2006, p. 501). Thus, one could
argue, the real mission creep in the community college has been a
long and slow but decisive creep away from the baccalaureate and
toward narrow career-related associate degrees and certificate pro­
grams. However, when community colleges crept down the ladder
of prestige, the critics were silent.

COMMUNITY COLLEGES AND THE HISTORY OF
HIGHER EDUCATION
The history of higher education is replete with change. Early American
colleges patterned themselves on an English model emphasizing
undergraduate education and character development. But in the
mid-20th century, American colleges adopted a research orientation
similar to that of German institutions (Hofstader &amp; Smith, 1961).

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988

C. Hanson

For example, normal schools and teacher’s colleges became state
colleges and, later, comprehensive universities, as they added gradu­
ate schools and doctoral programs.
In the United States, institutional advancement occurred at all
levels of the higher education network, except at the bottom. Over
the course of its lifespan, the public community college clung to the
lowest rung on the ladder. Scholars have examined the history of
the community college and come to different conclusions about the
cause of its stagnant character. Levin (2001) suggested that adminis­
trators favored occupational programs as a means to match their per­
ception of workforce needs; Dougherty (1994) documented the degree
to which government agencies influenced the community college
curriculum; and Labaree (1997) explored the role of the American
Association of Community Colleges (AACC) in setting a course for
the institution.
In the words of Labaree, “The community college was confined to
the lowest rung on the ladder,” because members of the AACC
“wanted to see it remain a two-year institution and continue to play
its vocational role;” presumably, as a means to court students for
whom bachelor’s degrees seemed out of reach (1997, p. 192). As a
result, the community college was kept from “following the same
trajectory of institutional mobility that had served its predecessors”
(Labaree, 1997, p. 192). Although the influence of the AACC on
particular schools undoubtedly varies, there is no question about
the historical intent of AACC leaders with respect to maintaining
the community college as a vocational institution. For example, after
learning in 1929 that 90% of community college students aspired to
the baccalaureate, Walter Crosby Ells addressed the annual meeting
of the AACC as follows:
It will be most unfortunate if the junior college becomes so successful
as a popularizing agency that it makes all of its students plan on full
university courses. Probably the proportion of those continuing
should be nearer fifty than ninety percent. This report of ninety
percent is a distinct danger signal ahead. (Ells, quoted in Labaree,
1997, p. 201)

Community college leaders, from the 1920s to the present, used
their organizational position to craft a market niche for the commu­
nity college that differs from that of academically-inclined institu­
tions. In opposition to four-year schools and universities committed
to the arts and sciences, AACC officials sought to identify the

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Community College Baccalaureate

989

two-year college as a career-oriented alternative to education aimed at
preparing students for participation in public life. In other words, for
the sake of organizational interests, AACC leaders worked to shape
and reshape community colleges to meet the changing needs of the
marketplace, as opposed to preparing students to meet the steady
and timeless responsibilities placed upon citizens in a democracy.
Two-year colleges flourished under the influence of the y^ACC, and
the push to vocationalize the community college succeeded. Still, there
are consequences associated with the move toward occupational
programs. Labaree suggests that AACC officials placed personal and
organizational objectives above broader social or educational goals in
the process of striving to create a market niche for community colleges.
In effect, whether the AACC intended to or not, the group created a
legacy that grips the institution like an anchor. Labaree intones:
Seeking to preserve the vocational mission of the community college
within the socially efficient division of education labor, public and
private officials have generally been able to block its institutional
mobility by denying it the right to award the bachelor’s degree, thus
freezing it in a permanently junior status within higher education.
(1997, p. 213)

Labaree understands the effort to promote the schools’ vocational
role, from the standpoint of community colleges as organizations try­
ing to establish a place for themselves in the higher education market;
however, he suggests “that place is socially dysfunctional” (Labaree,
1997, p. 4). Community colleges succeeded in promoting their role as
career-related training sites. But to the degree that colleges propagate
vocational curricula, they create a scenario where the graduate of an
associate degree or certificate program “may gain technical or profes­
sional training in one field of work or another, but is only inciden­
tally, if at all, made ready for performing his duties as a man, a
parent, and a citizen” (Labaree, 1997, p. 201).
By comparison, “Most liberal arts graduates do not earn their liv­
ing in a manner directly connected to their major. The justification
for majoring in English, history or mathematics as an undergraduate
does not primarily reside in the idea that the major will be directly
connected to some obvious employment opportunity” (Botstein,
1997, p. 182). In contrast to the current focus on job training and
workforce development, public colleges were originally meant to
serve a public purpose, the only purpose that could justify substantial
public investment.

�990

C. Hanson

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THE COMMUNITY COLLEGERS CULTURAL ROLE

The conversation surrounding the community college baccalaureate
is focused on economic concerns; although, the discussion could
easily run parallel to the broad debate that took place over the nature
of high school curricula in the early part of the last century. In the
words of Carol Schneider, president of the American Association
of Colleges and Universities, two groups with opposing views
struggled to determine the character of high school education in
the United States in the early 1900s, “One group of educators
thought that all high school students ought to take a strong academic
foundation in history, literature, science, mathematics, and language.
But others—the progressives of the day’—thought the students who
where were not college bound would be better served by less academic
forms of learning” (2005, p. 63).
The outcome of the debate is clear today. “The proponents of a
rigorous liberal education in the schools lost this battle,” and as a
result, “the pubhc schools invented differential curriculum tracks”
(Schneider, 2005, p. 63). There is an academic or college prepara­
tory track for middle-class and upwardly mobile students, but there
remains a vocational track for students with lower aptitudes or less
familiarity with the liberal arts. At the time the tracks were
formed, as now, “The dividing lines were economic, with the afflu­
ent moving in one direction and the poor, including people of
color and first generation families, moving in quite another”
(Schneider, 2005, p. 63).
For more than a century, American conceptions of schooling have
been tied to the notion of economic or social class mobility. However,
the late Christopher Lasch suggested, “A careful look at the historical
record shows that the promise of American life came to be identified
with social mobility only when more hopeful interpretations began to
fade” (1995, p. 59). Lasch explains, “The concept of social mobility
embodies a fairly recent and sadly impoverished understanding of
the American Dream” (1995, p. 59). In The Revolt of the Elites, he
draws attention to the idea that in recent U.S. history “money has
come to be regarded as the only reliable measure of equality.” But
he notes, in the prior century, “opportunity, as Americans under­
stood it, was a matter more of intellectual than material enrichment”
(1995, p. 59). In the past, the life of the mind added an element of
equality to a society characterized by economic polarization. Today,
by contrast, intellectual pursuits are unhinged from political culture,
and educational institutions are conceived largely in terms of their
contribution to state or regional economies.

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Community College Baccalaureate

991

Lasch stops short of turning his attention to contemporary high
schools or community colleges, but scholars working in education
confirm his point that it is the logic of cost-benefit analysis that
structures our understanding of the purpose public institutions serve.
“According to this logic, schools are producers of educational
commodities—credentials—and must adapt themselves to meet the
demands of the consumer” (Labaree, 1997, p. 4). In other words,
institutional attention has been turned away from social goals and
aimed at fulfilling personal ambitions.
In the quest to cater curriculum and institutional mission to the
demands of the marketplace, colleges and universities alike pursue
narrow paths of specialization. Through the process of creating degree
plans to match students’ career interests, and the needs of employers
to fill vacancies at each rank in their organizations, higher education
institutions structured themselves on hierarchical lines. As a result, we
maintain a system marked by double standards. For the sons and
daughters of the wealthy there are institutions committed to the civic
arts and leadership. For the masses, we offer training in occupational
fields. According to Lasch, this arrangement is not compatible with
the goals of a democratic nation, where citizens are equally responsi­
ble for maintaining a vital public sphere. In his words, “Common
standards are absolutely indispensable to a democratic society. Socie­
ties organized around a hierarchy of privilege can afford multiple
standards, but democracies cannot” (Lasch, 1995, p. 88).
Those who stand opposed to the community college baccalaureate
often express their opposition in the name of underprivileged students.
Supporters of the two-year curriculum wish to keep the community
college at the bottom of the postsecondary network. They fear that
if baccalaureate programs expand, the community college might fail
to serve students from low-income backgrounds. Yet, the challenge
is not to provide underprivileged students with an education of less
value and of a different type than one finds at four-year institutions.
The challenge is to provide those students with an education of the
same nature that one finds at prestigious colleges and universities.
For the sake of compassion and concern for poor and minority
students, those who wish to hold community colleges in their subbacca­
laureate status unwittingly press for the continuation of a pernicious
double standard. Lasch is uncompromising on this point:
When the ideology of compassion leads us to this type of absurdity, it
is time to call it into question. Compassion has become the human
face of contempt. Democracy once implied opposition to every form
of double standard. Today we accept double standards—as always, a

�992

C. Hanson

recipe for second class citizenship—in the name of humanitarian
concern. (1995, p. 105)

The best means to address class-based inequality is not continued
double standards in higher education. The best approach is egalitar­
ianism. The baccalaureate is the standard postsecondary credential,
and if large numbers of students are educated in subbaccalaureate
institutions, then the democratic ideal of equality is compromised.

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CONCLUSION
As a mass of heretofore excluded Americans entered postsecondary
schools in the middle 20th century, higher education changed. When
colleges and universities enrolled an exclusive group of elites, the
curriculum focused on leadership and public service But as women,
minorities, and students of modest means gained access to higher
education, the focus on academics gave way to career-oriented
programs. Whether the change came about through haplessness or
cynical intentions, it is difficult to say.
With respect to community colleges, Dougherty argued the schools
inadvertently became contradictory institutions when they moved away
from academics and toward a mission centered on training in job-related
fields (1994). Labaree concurs and suggests, “The community college
seems to be caught in a bind that was constructed historically, as it
sought to accomplish the contradictory aims of promoting political
equality and market inequality within a single institution” (1997,
p. 221). The bind Labaree describes should be the subject of debate
among staff and faculty. But the goal of training workers to private
sector criteria became so engrained in the culture of the community
college, especially in the decade of the 1990s, college professionals lost
touch with the era when their institutions served the sole purpose of
preparing students for success in a four-year course of study.
Ironically, the current move toward baccalaureate education holds
the potential to stir demand and increase enrollment on the same line
as the AACC had in mind when they sought to transform two-year
schools into technical institutes. As colleges and universities sought
to identify themselves as research-oriented institutions in the past
half-century, a gap was created in the market. We currently lack a
network of public four-year schools committed to teaching and
undergraduate education. For the sake of organizational interests,
community colleges will do well to fill this empty space in our
postsecondary system.

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More important, however, the community college baccalaureate
affords us an occasion to discuss the role of education in society.
But in order for the conversation to be genuine, it must involve
voices other than those who would simply use public institutions
to subsidize training costs sustained in the private-sector; and the
discussion must be conducted in terms other than that of economics.
Decisions about the future of public education must be decided on
educational grounds, and with respect to public interests. The
potential for the community college to contribute to American life
is too crucial for the debate to be settled on the basis of economic
goals alone.
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              <text>Chad Hanson Journal Publications, CCA 04.ii.e.2025.01 WyCaC US. Casper College Archives and Special Collections.</text>
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